public fcrutiny and examination. All sciences, but more efpes cially the political, are enlarged and brought nearer to evidence, by undergoing numerous and repeated Shocks from the various difcuffion of different men. General knowledge gives fuch weight to public opinion as to prevent abuses. And seeing on the other hand a thoufand prejudices often oppofe the wifest defigns, and corrupt, in the eyes of the fubject, the pureft and moft beneficial decifions of adminiftration; while ridiculous fears, envy, prepoffeffion, and error, fanctified by ufe, ftand ever in the way of the most useful innovations; it is furely of the highest importance, by diffufing light among the multitude, to difpel these dangerous phantoms, and render in this manner obedience to fuperior authority readier and more easy, because fpontaneous and founded in reason.

It is therefore felf-evident, that nothing can be of greater utility than the supporting this fcience by public authority, and encouraging the ftudy of it by thofe citizens, who are defirous of rendering themselves worthy to be trufted by their fovereign, with the jealous cuftody of his interefts, and those of the

nation.

In guiding us through the unforeseen combinations of politicks, we must not believe that blind experience and mechanical habit can fupply the place of fure principles, and maxims drawn from reafon. Neither will the knowledge of general truths fuffice, without defcending to thofe particular ones, which occafion fuch numerous and diverfified modifications in the theories of this science. It is not alone neceffary, for example, to know that there are four principal means of promoting trade; to wit, concurrence in the price of trade, oeconomy in the price of labour, cheapnefs of carriage, and low interest of money. It is not fufficient to know, that induftry is enlivened, by eafing the duties on the importation of the firft materials, and on the exportation of them when manufactured; and by loading those which are impofed, on imported manufactures, and exported materials: that every oeconomical operation may be reduced to the means of procuring the greateft poffible quantity of labour and action among the members of a state; and that in this alone confifts true and primary riches, much rather than in the abundance of a precious metal, which, being nothing but a fymbol, is always obedient to the call of induftry and toil, and, in fpite of every obftruction, flies from idleness and floth. Along with these maxims we must attend to the particular fituation of a country; the different circumftances of population, climate,

This word is unhappily chofen, either by the Marquis or his Tranilator. Various difcuffions of a science, if they bring it nearer to evidence, or proof, cannot be faid to fhock or confound it.

and

and fertility of foil, whether natural, or the gift of industry; the nature of the frontiers; the wants of adjacent countries, and the various kinds of productions, with the arts which they fupport.'

The following fentiments, confidering where they were delivered, have more than ordinary merit:

All truths are linked together by an immense chain, and they are always more variable, more uncertain, and more confufed, in proportion as they are more limited and restrained; more fimple, greater, and more certain when expanded into a wider fpace, or raised to a more eminent point of view.

In proof of this we need only call to mind the æras and countries, where the fciences, being buried in feudal anarchy, and filenced by the din of arms, private jurifprudence became the public lawgiver. To hinder the free internal circulation of commodities:-to load the expeditious bufinefs of commerce with dull and tardy formalities:-to dream of rendering a ftate opulent by impofing ftoical fumptuary laws, with a view to check the expence of the rich individual, and thus dry up the fources of industry, blunt every spur to labour, and deaden in the ambitious the hope of bettering their condition, which is as it were the central heat of every body politic:-to reduce artifts almost to monaftical difcipline, condenfing them into corporations, or rather litigious factions, with the power of levying taxes on themselves, and prescribing themselves laws (the fureft means of making the arts languifh fince their nourishment is liberty to leave a free fcope to those people who (perhaps from refpectable motives) formed inftitutions of moft dangerous confequence, fince they tended to establish this general canon, which may be termed anti-political, "Let inactivity be nourished at the public expence, and receive the reward of sweat and labour :"-These and fuch like effects have flowed from confining jurifprudence within the bounds of private justice, while it ought to embrace all the great principles of morality and politics."

Inftitutions, which give rife to the propagation of fentiments like these, may produce effects beyond the views of the founders. The difcourfe ends with a loose historical sketch of the progrefs of commerce, from the earliest ages.

The author here alludes to the inftitution of religious orders, the most pernicious invention of mifguided piety. Happily for mankind the different governments of the catholic countries feem to vye with each other at prefent in the steps they are taking towards their abolition. Indeed, the French and Italians are in a fair way of accomplishing, with peace and quietnefs, the fame reformation in religion (at leaft in what immediately regards the happiness of civil fociety) which coft us, about two centuries ago, so much devastation and bloodshed.' REV. Sept. 1769.

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The History of Vandalia. Containing the antient and prefent State of the Country of Mecklenburg; its Revolutions under the Vandals, the Venedi, and the Saxons; with the Succeffion and memorable Actions of its Sovereigns. By Thomas Nugent, L L. D. and Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. II. 4to. 11. 18. in Boards. Nourfe, &c. 1769.

A Summary account

was given in the XXXV vol. of the Review, p. 169. to which we refer, to avoid recapitulation.

The original plan was to have comprized the work in two volumes; but the Author informs his Reader, in the preface to this fecond volume, that finding it neceffary to visit the duchy of Mecklenburg to acquire the neceffary materials on the fpot, where he had free accefs to the ducal archives as well as refpectable perfonal information and affiftance at the courts of Strelitz and Schwerin, he found it neceffary to extend his history to three volumes. But it may be doubted by fome of his readers, whether the contingence which occafioned Dr. Nugent to turn his attention to the affairs of Mecklenburg, will altogether juftify fo voluminous a detail, which, if extended with equal diligence and minutenefs to all the ftates which compose the Germanic body, would be apt to call to mind the reflection made by an Evangelift on another occafion t.

The first volume ended, as we remarked in our laft article, with the overthrow and exile of Pribiflaus, prince of the Venedi, the ancestor of the prefent princes of Mecklenburg. This volume opens with his restoration, by the policy of his conqueror, Henry the Lion, who employed him as an auxiliary against a confederacy of German princes, whom his fucceffes had rendered jealous of his power. After repeopling his territories, Pribislaus, now a convert to Chriftianity, piously drew the fword, and engaged in a crufade against his idolatrous neighbours the Rugians: and Pribislaus might act confiftently, by offering the fame arguments to others, which had operated fo effectually on himself.

The principal part of this volume, which brings the hiftory of Mecklenburg down to the æra of the Reformation, confifts like the former, of the tranfactions of the furrounding ftates of Germany, Denmark and Sweden, with whom the princes of the house of Mecklenburg were in any measure occafionally connected the variety of which from time to time refumed,

The Dr. published an account of his journey to Mecklenburg, for which fee Review vol. xxxviii. p. 481.

John XXI. 25.

occafions

occafions many interruptions to the regular progrefs of the hiftory. The events of this period confift, in great measure, of those cruel and treacherous outrages fo common in uncivi-, lized ages, which however the Author renders agreeable by fuitable reflections: fometimes indeed his remarks are too univerfal, or too obvious, from a fondness of deducing general principles from particular inftances. Mentioning the conduct of the prime minifter of Mecklenburg, who under the infant duke's fanction, confirmed the choice of fenators made by the citizens of Wifmar, in a disturbance which happened in that city in the 15th century; he adds Thus is the welfare of a nation, oftentimes facrificed to the private interests of thofe, whom the prince has been fo unhappy as to entrust with the helm of government :'-An obfervation too true and too obvious to convey information, or to pafs for an illuftration of an event of no confiderable importance. The Author has amplified the fame fentiment in the following extract, which occurs within a few pages of the former:

During the minority of the two brothers, a war broke out with Brandenburg, which feems to have had its rife from a private quarrel between Matthias Axkow, the duchess's prime minifter, and baron John Gans of Putlitz. The contempt in which the latter held the former, encouraged him to invade the territory of Mecklenburg. And thus it frequently happens, that the quarrels of nations proceed rather from the private difputes or interefts of individuals, than from any contention, pique, or animofity between the fovereigns themfelves. On the contrary, princes are often difpofed to live upon good terms with their neighbours, when the rapacity of their ministers un fortunately fets them at variance.'

If thefe reflections feem trite, and infipid, what fhall we fay to those which want the confirmation of experience? fuch, for inftance, as the following: fpeaking of the treaty of Laholme in 1394, he adds, it must be owned, that in thofe days princes and ftates had honour enough to obferve their treaties; and it is only of late years, and by a gradual corruption of manners, that the European powers have learnt to elude the most folemn engagements.How late the Dr. may refer to, does not appear, but history will fhew us, that while civil policy continued in a rude state, and more especially when the feudal policy was in its decline, and no other as yet regularly formed or generally ad mitted, treaties were at least as often violated as at prefent; and while much oftener eluded, more fcrupulous princes easily got abfolved from their obligations by the Roman pontiff, when it was no longer their intereft to conform to them: a fanction for breach of faith, which is now worn out. N 2

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It is not meant to extend these remarks to a general condemnation of a work of great labour, and confiderable learning; and which contains feveral curious articles of information; agreeably furprizing and frequently relieving the Reader, in the midft of a dry uninterefting narrative. Among these are accounts of the origin of chivalry, the ceremonies of conferring knighthood, thofe obferved at tournaments, the deaths of John Hufs, and Jerome of Prague, a fhort history of the reformation, remarks on private wars, the laws of fingle combat for the decifion of judicial caufes; with other incidental particulars. The principal object of the history is indeed of mere local importance, the refpective princes of Germany being connected in a fubordinate fyftem of policy among themselves which does not often operate beyond the empire. The hiftory of the Mecklenburg princes will therefore be more interesting there, than in other parts of Europe: accordingly our Author informs us, that the first volume is now tranflating into Ġerman, by order of his ferene highnefs the duke of Mecklenburgh Strelitz.

*

Among other curious particulars in this volume, we find the following account of the origin of the Hanfeatic league or alliance; a remarkable though very natural confederacy of trading towns, in the infancy of commerce, to protect themselves against feudal oppreffion, and the ravages of pirates and

robbers:

The year 1241 was diftinguifhed by an alliance between the cities of Lubeck and Hamburg, for the fecurity of their refpective commerce. The Hamburghers took upon them to keep the road between the Trave and their town clear from robbers, and at the fame time to prevent the river Elbe from being infefted by pirates; on the other hand, the inhabitants of Lubeck agreed to defray half the expences required for effecting both thefe purposes. It was at the fame time ftipulated, that in all matters conducive to the improvement and advantage of the two cities, they fhould confult together; and with their joint forces affert and maintain their civil rights and privileges. This is generally fuppofed to have been the origin of the famous confederacy of the Hanfe towns, which afterwards rose to such an amazing pitch of power and opulence.

It is a difficult matter to trace the etymology of the word Hanfe; fome derive it from the German term "an zee," which fignifies near the fea, as the alliance at firft was confined to maritime towns: but others, with a greater appearance of probability, deduce it from the Saxon word "hanfeln," which imports to admit into a fociety or alliance. fociety or alliance. The example of Lubeck and Hamburgh was afterwards followed by a confiderable number of trading cities, (especially at the time of the great

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