This, the first instance that we lighted upon on opening the file of "Proceedings," is by no means an exaggerated case,-it is a very common one. There is even a facility about it that is not always to be found. The first nine bills are all of the same character, and many of the motions relate to bills in the order of the day. The case is far worse frequently, and especially so, when, after an evening on which the House has been "counted out," all the "dropped" orders and motions of that day come in to swell the list of business for the one following. A stranger might ask, "At what time can you adjourn, if you have all this business to do?" The answer would be, "My dear sir, all this is not done,-for it could not be done-nor one half of it." Some matters are slurred over, some given up in despair of getting through with them; but two or three matters out of all that list receive attention, and that perhaps from about a hundred (often much less) of the whole number of six hundred and fifty-eight members. Under a federal system, the local Houses of Assembly, meeting in their respective counties, would give undivided attention, each to the particular concerns of its own portion of the empire,-while a general congress, or "Imperial Parliament," if that designation be better liked, would meet in London, and there transact all matters of a general and imperial nature. Let not these speculations be hastily deemed idle; a time is not far distant, when the choice may be between the adoption of the system they refer to, and a recurrence to the old plan of separate and co-equal legislatures; and the very probability that such a call may be made, cries out with trumpet tongue to us to be prepared to meet the crisis, and make the important election.

We have spoken of the agricultural, the trading, and the manufacturing capabilities of Ireland; but there remains yet one point that ought to be taken into consideration when speculating upon what that country may yet be. It is the character of her people. This has been much run down and decried even by many of those who style themselves "friends to Ireland.” We do not now speak of the opinions of the lower orders of Englishmen, including in that "lower order" men of all classes of society, from the highest to the most humble, whose minds are bigotted, inveterately and wilfully, against "Ireland and the Irish." We speak of persons of enlightenment and intelligence, and generally liberal ideas,-many of them leading men and public characters of the day. We speak of such men, biassed as we believe them to be, not wilfully, not inveterately, but almost innately, and without their own knowledge, against Ireland, and all things relating to her. They do consider the Irish

as, at least at present, an inferior race,-degraded by long misrule, oppression, and persecution, and therefore not yet able to go alone in political affairs. Posterity will hold a different opinion. History will show them a people ground-down, oppressed, and ill-treated, in the most savage manner, for centuries, holding fast to their ancient faith and their nationality through all,ever seeking justice, prompt to forgive the cruellest injuries and to be reconciled,-ready and generous in believing in kindness, -slow to credit the foul treachery they so often experienced,patient, long-suffering, but persevering, in spite of every discouragement, and working out with a determination invincible, and at length irresistible, the restoration of their liberties. History will tell of a peasantry, the poorest and most destitute in the world, sacrificing all the hopes and the very sustenance of their families, by braving, election after election, the worst fury of their tyrant landlords, and voting as their conscience and their country's welfare dictate, while their English brethren allow themselves to be sold like sheep at the shambles. What is the state of things at this moment? A government exists indeed in Ireland willing to do good, but having little beyond the will to recommend it. Its power is curtailed by the open efforts and secret intrigues of the foul faction whom it displaced. The just and beneficial measures that it would dispense with balming and healing influence over the land, are mangled or rejected by the adverse House of Lords. Its arm is fettered down, and unable to stretch forth to give relief, save by instalments, miserably small. Meantime the peasantry are harassed and goaded to the uttermost, by the exactions of the clergy of a different faith; the blood of the many tithe martyrs is yet reeking on the ground, unavenged; the Orange corporations are yet rioting in all the plenitude of unchecked and perverted authority; landlords are vieing with each other in oppression and outrage; calumnies, the foulest and the basest-insults the most galling all are heaped upon the Irish people, their country, and their religion; and yet, never since the invasion, was there a time of such quiet-such abstinence from all crime, and such obedience to the law. This is no quiet of exhausted energies, of submission to wrong, or of despair. It is that of a generous confidence in their rulers-of a common consent not to embarrass them by any acts of turbulence, however provoked, that might give a vantage-ground to the common enemy. Beneath this surface-quiet, there is a mighty concentration of power and resolve; there is a moral combination, silently but steadily, going on throughout the land; and the vain men who wilfully mistake this self-controlling magnanimity, and this deep silence of deter

mination, for the death-like peace of hopeless submission, are madly playing on the edge of a volcano, upon the very eve of explosion. The nation that thus in the midst of misery and suffering stifles its complaints, and turns its ear from the almost justifiable promptings of anger and revenge, the nation that shows such an example of much-enduring patience and of a resolution that can "bide its time,"—that nation is fitted, if ever any were, to govern itself, and ensure its own freedom and prosperity. Through the long reach of ages, Ireland's worst calumniators have confessed her to be ever fond of "justice"—that justice she must ere long achieve for herself, and by its dictates she will ever regulate her conduct. The delay of concession is dangerous as it is futile-it must be made at last. Let bigots prate and flippant orators declaim-the people of Ireland have only to persevere a little longer in their steady course of unflinching reasoning, magnanimous and determined patriotism, and they must accomplish, and that far sooner than their oppressors dream of-the ultimate and entire recovery of their long lost liberties and rights.

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Since the above was written, the news has reached us of the death of His Majesty William the Fourth. Be his good qualities now alone remembered, his errors forgotten. He was the best of his race that have worn the crown: the only one indeed, who, when on the throne, displayed zeal for the interests and happiness of his subjects. His youthful successor has with her the wishes, the hopes, the hearts of this mighty empire, and they are but her due. Bright and fair as her prospects and herself, are the expectations now blossoming in the bosom of every true Irishman; and the justice they have been so long denied will come, blessing both the giver and receiver;" and doubly sweet from the hands of her whom they regard with deep respectful affection and love. Doubt and fear, and every bad and desponding feeling are now cast aside. The people of the United Empire know that their young queen has inherited all the virtues of her truly-lamented father, and the careful education she has received from her excellent mother, with all they as yet know of herself, gives a strong and cheering confidence, that a brighter time has arrived than ever yet these countries knew, and that peace, liberty, and happiness, will mark and bless the reign of Victoria.

The law of the land at such a juncture as the present, requires the speedy dissolution of the existing parliament and summoning of a new one. These events are expected to take place about the middle of this month (July). Ireland is ready for the

struggle; she expects that her sons will do their duty; and willing and determined they are so to do. Scotland is buckling on her armour, and has given us the last Glasgow election as earnest of her resolve not to be wanting to the good cause. How will England act? We will boldly say, she will act as becomes her; --she will redeem the disgrace of the recent Conservative triumphs, and exhibit herself to the world awoke from the fatal supineness that might lose her the brightest gem of her crown; ready for the good fight, and determined not again to seek repose till every stain of injustice and dishonour is wiped from her escutcheon. The Tory faction will no doubt be desperate and reckless, and spare no effort to stop, or, at least, impede, the progress of improvement. But the will of the three united nations was too powerful for them before, they were beaten in spite of every advantage; beaten when they had the monarch with them, the country divided and disheartened, and all the offices of the state filled with their ardent and unscrupulous partizans. Since then, the liberal cause has been gathering strength by the operation of the registries, and the influence of the newly enfranchised municipal corporations. Above all, it has been gaining strength from the steady and irresistible advance of that upon which it is based-the great principle of justice. "Magna est veritas et prævalebit." With this for their watchword, and with united and resolute hearts, the people of the empire will go to the battle against the fell spirit of Toryism, and they will come out of the contest successful and triumphant.

ART. III.-1. Primitive Tradition recognised in Holy Scripture, a Sermon preached in the Cathedral Church of Winchester, at the Visitation of the Most Worshipful and Rev. W. Dealtry, D.D. Chancellor of the Diocese, Sept. 27, 1836. By the Rev. John Keble, M.A. Second edition. London. Rivingtons. 1837.

2. The British Critic, No. XL. (Oct. 1836.)

T is ever our desire to treat religious subjects with becoming

meek, and consequently in a courteous, spirit. There may be apparent exceptions to this rule. Sometimes the rudeness or effrontery of those who assail us is far more remarkable than their arguments; and it becomes our duty to disarm them of the advantages which these qualities unfortunately confer on men

who appeal to public passion or vulgar prejudice. On other occasions they have endeavoured to take an unfair advantage, and thought to disgust or terrify us from the field, by shaking before our eyes some Gorgon shape, which they affect to hold up as the likeness of our religion, instead of brandishing the keen and polished blade of honourable warfare. As in the first case duty has compelled us to deal with our adversaries as a knight of old would have done with a churl that assailed him with base ungentle weapons, so have we in the second acted as he would have done with a necromancer that sought to prevail by philtres and poisoned charms; and in either instance have made our onslaught, without admitting our opponents to participation in the rights of controversial chivalry.

But there are others, whom, though engaged on the same side, we would not willingly treat in like manner. If the conventional law of such lists as we now enter allow us not to lift up our vizors, and declare who we are; if the cognizance which we at present bear be that of an order, of our religious community, rather than of an individual; not the less do we claim credit for personal sincerity when we say, that we take the field without a particle of any feeling that could cloud the purity of devotion to the truth. We have no desire of any triumph over the men whose principles we are about to examine-we shall regret if a word escape us that could reach their feelings with pain; and we shall even endeavour to harden our own against the ruffling impressions, which allusions, phrases, and charges, wherein they occasionally indulge, are apt to make upon them.

That a sermon delivered on a solemn occasion by a distinguished clergyman of the Anglican church on "primitive tradition" should excite our attention, and call forth our remarks, will not be matter of surprise. But we may be asked, upon what grounds we unite it in a common article with the miscellaneous contents of a critical journal? Though we might plead the privilege of our caste, as reviewers, to have no law but our good will for heading our articles, we waive this plea, and are willing to descend to an explanation of our motives. We have ourselves been too lately sinned against by the unwarrantable attribution of our articles to individuals, who have been made responsible for their contents,* not to be anxious to avoid a similar injustice

* Dr. Whittaker, for instance, has thought proper to make Dr. Wiseman responsible for an article on Catholic Versions of Scripture, in our second number. “I cannot pretend to follow you," he says, addressing this gentleman, "through the account which you have thought proper to give in your second Lecture, and in the last (second) number of the Dublin Review, of the Versions of Scripture." (A series of Letters to the Rev. N. Wiseman, D.D. Letter II. p. 170.) After analysing the