ISOCRATES.

ISOCRATES is called by Cicero the "father of eloquence." Cicero learned from Isocrates, and we have learned from Cicero, who considered this eloquent Athenian not only a great orator, but a perfect teacher, and the first to observe and reduce to systematic form and method the rhythm and harmony of prose compositions. It is to him that literature owes the institution of the regular period and the melodious cadence of well-constructed sentences.

Isocrates was the son of a prosperous flute-maker; he was born at Athens B.C. 436, and lived till 338. He represents the excellence of that species of oratory which gives the highest place to artistic form and finish, and regards the subject-matter as comparatively of small importance. Some idea of the esteem in which this teacher was held may be gathered from the fact that his annual income from his pupils is said to have amounted to $25,000, especially when we consider that money in those days was worth much more than it is now. His income was also augmented by his literary productions. On a certain occasion the King of Cyprus is said to have paid him as much as $20,000 for one oration.

At first Isocrates moved in that circle of which Socrates was the centre; but he relinquished philosophy and turned his attention to making speeches for delivery by others, as he was quite unfitted to deliver them himself, from natural nervousness and weakness of voice. After a brief experience he gave up speech-making and devoted himself to the teaching of oratory. At the age of forty-four he opened that school at Athens of which Cicero said that "in it was trained and perfected the eloquence of all Greece." Pupils flocked to him from the shores of the Euxine and the Mediterranean, far and near. From a political point of view Isocrates was somewhat impractical. His great dream was the unification of

Greece for the subjugation of Asia, an illusion which was rudely dispelled by the defeat of the allied Thebans, Corinthians and Athenians by Philip of Macedon at Chæronea in August, 338 B.C. The "old man eloquent" did not long survive this humiliation and shattering of his hopes.

SPARTA AND ATHENS.

THE most noted of the orations of Isocrates is the Panathenaicus or Panegyric of Athens, a work on which he spent ten years, and in which he uses all the resources of his art to extol Athens and magnify the benefits she conferred on the whole of Greece.

THOSE Who would accurately and justly praise any city, should not make that city alone their topic, which they design to speak of; but as we examine and try purple and gold, by showing near them articles of the same kind and value, I judge that small cities should not be compared with great, nor those which have been accustomed in all times to govern, with those who were accustomed to serve, nor those cities which are capable of preserving others, with such as need protection: but I judge, those cities should be compared together, which are possessed of like power, have been conversant in the same affairs, and are of equal authority; for thus will they most easily come at the truth. Now, if any one consider Athens in this light, and compare us not with any city, but with that of Sparta, which many praise moderately, but some speak of as if demi-gods governed that republic, we shall be found to have left them farther behind in beneficence towards Greece, than they have left all others. I shall mention hereafter our ancient conflicts for the good of Greece; but now, I shall make my discourse of them, beginning from the time when they seized upon the Achaic cities, and divided the country with the Argives and Messenians; for from hence we ought to discourse about them. Our ancestors will be perceived to have preserved, from the Trojan times, the concord of the Grecians and enmity with the Barbarians, and to have persevered in the same affections. And, first of all, in respect of the islands Cyclades, concerning which many disputes arose under the government of Minos, when they last

were possessed by the Carians; after they drove the Carians out, they did not make them their own provinces, but they placed in them a colony of the most indigent Grecians: afterwards they built many and great cities on both sides of the continent, drove the Barbarians from the sea, and taught the Grecians by what method of government, and by carrying on war against whom in particular, they might enlarge and aggrandize Greece. But the Lacedæmonians were so far, at that time, from doing anything of this nature, as our ancestors, who commenced war against the Barbarians and benefited the Grecians, that they would not even remain quiet; but having a city belonging to others, and not only a sufficient territory, but larger than any of the other Grecian cities had, they were not content with this; but learning by events, that cities and countries appear, according to laws, to be the right of those who justly possess them, but, in fact, pass into the power of those who most skilfully exercise military art and can conquer their enemies. Reflecting on this, and neglecting agriculture, trade, and all other things, they never ceased to attack and disturb, one by one, all the cities of Peloponnesus, except that of Argos. Now, the consequence of what we did was, that Greece was enlarged, and Europe became master of Asia; besides, that the necessitous Greeks received cities and lands, but that the Barbarians, who before commenced insults, were driven out of the country, and became of more submissive minds than they had been. But the consequence of what the Spartans did was that their city alone was aggrandized and made famous, and governed all the cities in Peloponnesus, and had great respect shown to it from them. It is certainly just to praise that city, which was the cause of many benefits to others, and to judge that one unjust, which only procured itself advantages; to esteem those friends, who treat others on the same footing as themselves, but to fear and apprehend those who are of the most friendly mind amongst themselves, yet administer their government with a visible hostile intention towards others. Such, therefore, was the foundation of the government in both cities.

Afterwards, upon the commencement of the Persian war, when Xerxes, who then reigned, had got together twelve

hundred ships and five million men, seven hundred thousand of whom were regular troops, and entered Greece with such a vast army, the Spartans, though they governed all Peloponnesus, sent only ten ships to the naval battle, which gave a turn to the whole war; but our fathers, though they were forced from their country and had abandoned the city, because it was not at that time fortified, afforded better ships, and better provided with forces, than all of those who ran that danger. And the Lacedæmonians sent, as their admiral, Eurybiades, who, could he have effected what he designed, must have ruined all Greece; but ours sent Themistocles, who was thought indisputably to be the cause that the naval engagement was wisely conducted, as well as author, besides, of all that was prosperously acted at that time; for when they, who had been allies, had wrested the sovereignty from the Lacedæmonians, they conferred it on us. And what better judges can any one imagine, or more worthy of credit, of the transactions of those times, than those who were present in the battles? or, what benefit can be supposed greater than the preservation of all Greece from destruction?

It happened afterwards, that each city became sovereign of the sea; which whoever holds, must have the greatest number of cities in subjection. Not that I praise in this regard either city; for one may blame both in many respects. But we have not less excelled them in this administration, than in what I have mentioned before; for our fathers persuaded their allies to constitute such a form of government, as they themselves had always preferred. Now, it is certainly a sign of goodwill and kindness, when persons exhort others to use those means, which they have found profitable to themselves. But the Lacedæmonians constituted governments which were neither similar to their own, nor like those constituted elsewhere, but made ten men only of each city its lords; and so tyrannical was their administration that, should a person endeavor, for three or four successive days, to bring accusations against them, he would not be able to express the half of their crimes and oppressions. It would be absurd to comment particularly upon such and so numerous instances: but, perhaps, I should have called attention to a few, which would have

excited a worthy anger in the hearers, if I had been younger. But I have now no such intention; however, it is confessed by all, that they so far exceeded all who went before them, in rapacity and injustice, that they not only ruined themselves, their friends and their countries, but likewise, by exposing the Lacedæmonians to the odium of their allies, plunged them too into so many and great calamities, as no one would have ever imagined could have befallen them. From hence any one may see, with how much more mildness and clemency we managed affairs, and likewise from what follows: for the Spartans scarce governed ten years; but we held the supremacy sixty-five years. Certainly all know, that cities, subject to others, continue longest faithful to those from whom they suffer the least evils: but both, becoming odious upon account of injuries, fell into wars and tumults; yet we shall find our city was capable of making resistance ten years, though attacked by all the Greeks and Barbarians: whereas the Lacedæmonians, though they still governed, and made war by land against the Thebans only, yet, when conquered in one battle, were stripped of all they possessed, and were afflicted with the same misfortunes and calamities as we. Besides, we shall find our city to have restored itself in fewer years than it was overthrown in; but that the Spartans, since this loss, in a very long time, have not been able to recover themselves to their former footing, but are still in the same low condition.