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same party addressed to King James, "An Humble Supplication for Toleration, and Liberty to enjoy and observe the Ordinances of Jesus Christ in the administration of His Churches in lieu of Human Constitutions." The language of this petition is such as Independents of the present day would be willing to use. For example:-" Our Lord Jesus Christ hath given to each particular church, or ordinary congregation, this right and privilege; namely, to elect, ordain, and deprive her own ministers; and to exercise all the other parts of lawful ecclesiastical jurisdiction under Him." And in respect to synodical association they reject it when it becomes a "Ruling" power, although they "in no sort" dislike the "Deliberative and Persuasive Synod;" that is, such a general assembly of the Churches as is to be seen in the Congregational Union of England and Wales of the present day. We shall have occasion to refer to the petition again. We now adduce it to show that the rigid puritans were really Independents. In 1610, Jacob published another work expressly on the subject of the church's constitution and government, entitled, "The Divine Beginning and Institution of Christ's True, Visible, or Ministerial Church; also, the Unchangeableness of the same by Men; namely, in the Term and Essential Constitution thereof.” * In this work Jacob again shows himself an Independent. He defines a true, visible, and ministerial church as follows:"A number of faithful people joined by their willing consent in a spiritual outward society, or body politic, ordinarily coming together into one place; instituted by Christ in his New Testament,

* Jacob was at Leyden at this time, probably, since this work was printed there; and the next at Middleburgh.

and having the power to exercise ecclesiastical government, and all God's other spiritual ordinances, in and for itself, immediately from Christ." In consequence of some misinterpretation of his meaning in certain parts of this treatise, on the part of "divers godly" persons, he published, in 1612, a further statement of his views, in "A Declaration, and Plainer Opening of Certain Points; with a Sound Confirmation of some other, contained in a Treatise intituled, 'The Divine Beginning, etc.'" In this work there are two things specially worthy of notice. First, the explanation which Jacob gives of the difference between himself and the rigid puritans, on the one hand, and the exiles on the other, in respect to separation from the church of England. "As to the point of separation," he says, "For my part I never was, nor am, separated from all public communion with the congregations of England. I acknowledge, therefore, that in England are true visible churches, and ministers (though accidentally, yet) such as I refuse not to communicate with." From his use of the phrase, "congregations of England," and his reference to the ministers as being "accidentally" true ministers, it is evident that he took the view we have already mentioned. In a later work, he explains himself yet further on this point, but to the same effect, "In respect as those congregations are parts of proper diocesan and provincial churches, so they are true churches of Christ accidentally. For proper diocesan and provincial churches being not in the New Testament, have in them, by accident, the true essential form of Christ's visible churches."+ This may seem very much like * Page 1.

VOL. III.

† An Attestation, &c., p. 305.

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special pleading; yet it must be borne in mind, inasmuch as these views spread amongst the Independents of a later period, and had an important influence on their conduct during the period of the Commonwealth.

The other thing worthy of notice relates to the origin of the name Independent. This term, in its modern ecclesiastical sense, was first employed by Jacob in this work. The following is the passage in which it occurs: "Where each ordinary congregation giveth their free consent in their own government, there certainly each congregation is an entire and Independent body-politic, and indued with power immediately under, and from Christ, as every proper church is, and ought to be."* It is somewhat singular that modern writers should question whether Jacob was an Independent or no,† when he was not only one of the best expounders of the principle of Congregational Independency, but also the first to give it that name which has served to distinguish its advocates in every succeeding period. This work, although published in 1612, was written before September 1611. Robinson's "Apology," generally supposed to have been the first work in which the term was used to designate the system, was not published until 1619. With strict truth, therefore, Jacob may be called one of the first of the modern Independents. It is evident, also, from what has been advanced, that he was not alone. The rigid puritans advocated the same principles, and espoused the same cause.

The publications we have noticed above were, in all

*Page 13.

+ See Broadmead Records, Historical Introduction, pp. lxxviii.

probability, composed in Holland, where Jacob learned to expand his views amongst the other exiles, and especially from Robinson. While there, he published, in 1613, another work of great ability, entitled "An Attestation of many Learned, Godly, and Famous Divines, Lights of Religion, and Pillars of the Gospel; justifying this Doctrine, viz., that the ChurchGovernment ought to be always with the People's Free Consent. Also this, that a True Church under the Gospel, containeth no more ordinary congregations but one, etc." The title-page is sufficient to indicate the principles of the writer. Here, again, he uses the word independent, and advocates the principle expressed by it against many objections, and adduces a great variety of testimonies in its favour, from the writings of almost all parties. Our limits forbid our making any further reference to it in this place. This was, probably, Jacob's last work in Holland. In the course of a few years, we find him in England, acting out the principles he had so long advocated. Before we advance to this point, however, it is necessary to glance at the course of affairs at home, preparing the way for his return.

While James not only sided with, but in many things headed, the hierarchical party against the puritans of all classes, an unfavourable impression was growing up in the public mind, more especially amongst men of independent fortune, and the better sort of the middle classes, in respect both to the clergy and the monarch. Symptoms of disaffection were occasionally exhibited in parliament, which at length led to an open rupture. In 1609, the House of Commons sent a message to the Lords, announcing that they had taken notice "of a book lately pub

lished by one Dr. Covel," containing matters which they deemed scandalous, and dangerous to the public welfare; and but for the king's interference in behalf of Covel, who was one of his chaplains, a check would have been given at that time to the hierarchical and despotical spirit of the rulers in church and state. In the next year's session of parliament many of the popular leaders gave expression to their strong feelings of resentment at the encroachments made, and attempted to be made, on the liberty of the subject; and the monarch, taking alarm, summoned both houses to Whitehall, and gave them an assurance that he would keep within the bounds of the constitution. This act of condescension, however, was performed

with a very bad grace. In the course of his address, he compared the power of kings with that of God, and argued, that as it is blasphemy to speak against "what God may do," so is it sedition to dispute what a king may do, in the height of his power." The Commons were not the men to be schooled after this fashion. The tide of popular knowledge and discussion had set in, and was not to be driven back; and assumptions of kingly prerogative, instead of retarding it, only rendered it more fretful and impatient to advance to its proper bounds. The puritans found many friends in parliament, and had but to persevere in order to triumph.

Amongst other things tending to the advancement of the popular cause at this time, was an ill-advised measure of Bancroft's, a little before his death. Two persons-one a minister, and the other a merchanthad been committed to prison, under a sentence of the high commission. They claimed a writ of habeas corpus, and procured the services of a barrister, Mr.

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