278 THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. unanimous shout proved the sentiments of the Assembly to be in the affirmative; the excitement had now attained its highest pitch. pitch. Three ships containing the tea were moored near each other at Griffin's Wharf, and as the shades of evening were beginning to fall, a man disguised as a Mohawk Indian raised a war-whoop in the gallery which was responded to in the street without. A shout was now raised, "Boston harbor a teapot tonight! Hurrah for Griffin's Wharf!" The meeting hastily adjourned, and the people rushed to the harbor to witness the outcome. About 50 men disguised as Mohawk Indians rushed to the wharf, boarded the vessels, and, while the people silently watched, broke open 342 chests of tea and emptied the contents into the water, these proceedings occupying about two or three hours. The socalled Indians created no other disturbances nor damaged anything else, and after the tea had been thrown overboard, the crowd quietly dispersed.* While this event was in course of progress, neither the military nor naval forces in town attempted to interfere to prevent the destruction of the tea. They were content, un See Mr. Bancroft's account of the famous "Boston Tea Party," vol. iii., pp. 447-457. See also Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, pp. 304309; the contemporary account in Hart, American History Told by Contemporaries, vol. ii., No. 152; H. C. Watson, The Boston Tea Party (1894). For the names of those known to have been implicated, see Drake, Tea Leaves, pp. 84-85; Lossing, FieldBook of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 499. doubtedly, to be relieved of the obnoxious duty of forcing the tea upon the colonists. It is said that on the night of the 16th, Admiral Montague was at the house of a friend in the city, and when the party marching from the wharf passed the house, he raised the window and shouted to them, "Well, boys, you've had a fine pleasant evening for your Indian caper, hav'n't you? But mind, you have got to pay the fiddler yet!" "Oh! never mind," answered Pitt, one of the leaders, "never mind, squire! just come out here, if you please, and we'll settle the bill in two minutes!"* Thereupon the admiral closed the window, and the crowd continued its march without further demonstration.† The other colonies also had their tea parties. On November 25, a popu Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 499; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, pp. 254-255. "Last night," says John Adams in his Diary, three cargoes of Bohea tea were emptied into the sea. This morning a man-of-war sails. This is the most magnificent movement of all. There is a dignity, a majesty, a sublimity, in this last effort of the patriots, that I greatly admire. The people should never rise without doing something to be remembered, something notable and striking. This destruction of the tea is so bold, so daring, so firm, intrepid, and inflexible, and it must have such important consequences, and so lasting, that I cannot but consider it as an epoch in history. This, however, is but an attack upon property. Another similar exertion of popular power may produce the destruction of lives. Many persons wish that as many dead carcasses were floating in the harbor, as there are chests of tea. A much less number of lives, however, would remove the causes of all our calamities. The malicious pleasure with which Hutchinson, the governor, the consignees of the tea, and the officers of the customs, have stood and looked upon the distresses of the people, and their struggles to get TEA PARTIES IN OTHER COLONIES. lar meeting at New York succeeded of tea, which were immediately thrown the tea back to London, and at last the destruction of it, is amazing. "Tis hard to believe persons so hardened and abandoned." Works, vol. ii., pp. 323-324. On the significance of the tea party see also Fiske, American Revolution, vol. i., pp. 91–93. * Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. i., pp. 249-250; Drake, Tea Leaves, pp. 358–360; Roberts, New York, vol. ii. pp. 384-389; Lamb, City of New York, vol. i., pp. 763-764; Leake, Life of John Lamb, pp. 81-84. Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. i., pp 512, 783, 786, 964, VOL. II 19 279 On December 25, 1773, a ship bound for Philadelphia was stopped four miles below the city, and as the captain had received intelligence of the Boston Tea Party, he judged that it would be imprudent to attempt to force the landing of the tea, and accordingly he returned to England.* On the same day that the tea vessel arrived at the Hook at New York, another ship arrived at Charleston. * The tea chests were landed and stored in warehouses where they remained Declaration of Independence as the for several years, being sold after the property of the State of South Carolina and the money turned into the State treasury.† Maryland also had her tea party. On October 15, 1774, the brig Peggy Stewart arrived at Annapolis and the owner, Anthony Stewart, hoping to avoid the displeasure of the citizens, paid the duty. The consignees, together with Stewart, also publicly expressed their regret; but as it was not deemed sufficient punishment, the ship and its contents were burned.‡ Bancroft, vol. iii., pp. 457-458; Niles, Principles and Acts of the Revolution, p. 202; Drake, Tea Leaves, p. 361; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vol. xiv., p. 78, vol. xv., p. 385. McCrady, History of South Carolina, 17191776, p. 727; Hildreth, vol. iii., p. 30 et seq.; Force, American Archives, 5th series, vol. iii., pp. 16, 20; Drake, Tea Leaves, pp. 339-342. The statement made by Bancroft and others that the tea was stored in a damp cellar and rotted is incorrect. Browne, Maryland, pp. 261-263; Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. i., p. 885, vol. ii., p. 280 OBSTINACY OF THE KING. The steps which the colonists had the American commander-in-chief, now taken were very bold, the imme- who had recently returned from New diate effect being to bring them into York. I am willing to go back at a direct collision with the mother coun- day's notice,' said Gage, if coercive try. Prior to this time there had been measures are adopted. They will be only discussion as to the rights and lions while we are lambs; but, if we privileges of the colonists, strong take the resolute part, they will unlanguage being used by both sides, doubtedly prove very meek. Four but now it was seen that the time for regiments sent to Boston will be suffiwords had passed and that actions cient to prevent any disturbance.'"* must take their place. "The king was Little, however, did the king apprecbstinate, had no one near him to ex- ciate the spirit of the Americans, for plain the true state of things in Amer- they were now fully aroused and simica, and admitted no misgivings ex- ply awaited a time when they could cept for not having sooner enforced try out their mettle against the army the claims of authority. On the of the mother country. fourth day of February, he consulted - CHAPTER V. 1768-1774. AFFAIRS IN THE SOUTH AND WEST. Land purchased from the Six Nations by the treaty of Fort Stanwix - Affairs in North Carolina-Tyrannical course of Governor Tryon Rise of the Regulators — Edmund Fanning found guilty — The Battle of the Alamance - Tryon succeeded by Josiah Martin - Disputes with the Assembly - The Watauga settlement and the state of Franklin-Daniel Boone in Kentucky Harrodsburg and Boonsborough founded Transylvania-Later career of Boone- - Accessions of emigrants-Treaty with the Cherokee and Creek Indians Dunmore's War-Speech of Logan - Religious affairs. Before we continue the general history of the Revolution, it will be well to glance at events which had taken place in other parts of America, all of which had a decided effect upon the course of events in the eastern 310; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vol. xxv., p. 248; Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. i., pp. 180-181; Riley, History of the General Assembly of Maryland, p. 302; Warfield, Founders of Anne Arundel and Howard Counties, p. 445; Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., p. 195. colonies. Peace had been concluded with the Indians in the Northwest, consequently, a great impulse had been given to emigration. Among these emigrants were numerous persons who were unscrupulous in their dealings with the Indians, and it was not long before serious disputes arose between the whites and the red-men. The particular reason for this was * Bancroft, vol. vi., p. 501 (1st ed.). TREATY OF FORT STANWIX; TRYON'S RAPACITY. the fact that the whites, without even the shadow of a right, had settled upon territory which the Indians claimed. Against these encroachments the Indians had repeatedly protested to the authorities in the Eastern States, these protests, however, meeting with little attention on the part of the royal governors. At length, on May 6, 1768, a deputation from the Six Nations went to Fort Pitt for the purpose of presenting a remonstrance to the Assembly of Virginia. The president of the Council. in his message declared, "that a set of men, regardless of the laws of natural justice, unmindful of the duties. they owe to society, and in contempt of the royal proclamations, have dared to settle themselves upon the lands near Redstone Creek and Cheat River, which are the property of the Indians, and, notwithstanding the repeated warnings of danger of such lawless proceedings, they still remain unmoved, and seem to defy the orders and even the powers of the government." Finally matters came to such a pass that the royal government was compelled to interfere. Sir William Johnson was ordered to purchase from the Six Nations the lands thus occupied, and, if possible, to obtain a further grant. Accordingly, Johnson arranged for this grant by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, securing large tracts extending to the Ohio. The Indians insisted, however, that these lands were obtained by fraud 281 and cunning on the part of the whites.* At this time, and for some time previous, North Carolina had been in a state of extreme disorder, which culminated in armed insurrection. This was due chiefly to the corruption and incapacity of the government officials. For many years it was common knowledge that abuses prevailed in the civil administration of this province, abuses which, it was supposed, the new governor, Tryon, would stop immediately. In this the colonists were disappointed, however, as Tryon was still more extortionate than were his predecessors. One of the most irritating of the abuses of which the colonists complained was the exaction of exorbitant fees by public officials on all legal proceedings, particularly the fees on deeds and ceremonies required by law to make valid sales and acquisitions of landed property.+ Tryon had been instructed to relieve the colonists of these exacting fees, and accordingly issued a proclamation against these abuses, but went no farther. He either negligently or deliberately confined himself to issuing the proclamation, and made no attempt to enforce it; consequently, his conduct merely * Hildreth, vol. ii., p. 575; Moore, The Northwest under Three Flags, p. 176 et seq.; Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 320 et seq. See Bancroft, vol. iii., p. 302; North Carolina Colonial Records, vol. vii., p. 884; Governor Martin's letter in same, vol. ix., p. 330; Fitch, Some Neglected History of North Carolina, p. 177 el seq. 282 GOVERNOR TRYON AND THE REGULATORS. sanctioned the proceedings without bloodshed, and undoubtedly also to alleviating the general discontent. Beside, a number of sheriffs and receivers of the provincial taxes had appropriated public moneys to their own private uses, without either accounting for them or being compelled to make restitution; and, as taxes had continued to increase during the period of their incumbency in office, it was naturally supposed that the additional taxes were being levied for the purpose of compelling the public to stand the loss without prosecuting the officials who were culpable.* In order to reform the conditions, the colonists formed an association under the title of Regulators, entering into a compact to pay no taxes until all exorbitant fees were abolished, the official embezzlers brought to justice, and the possible recurrence of such conditions guarded against.† One of them, Harmon Husband, collected the taxes lawfully due from every Regulator in Orange county and presented the sum so collected to the governor, asking for a receipt from the colonial treasurer. Governor Tryon, however, ordered the commitment of Husband to jail, where he lay for several days, until the governor learned that a body of Regulators was marching against the jail to release Husband. To prevent See the Report of the American Historical Association for 1894, pp. 150-159, 171, 178 et seq.; North Carolina Colonial Records, vol. vii., pp. 294, 570, 792, vol. viii., p. 651. North Carolina Colonial Records, vol. vii., pp. 251-252, 672-673, 699-700, 702-703, 726, 731-732. curry favor, Husband was thereupon. * set free. The general ill-humor of the colonists was further increased at this time by an appropriation by the Assembly of a large sum of money to build a palace for the governor.† An additional tax was imposed for this purpose, which began to operate at the very time when Parliament laid the impost on tea, glass, paper, etc. Tryon endeavored to pacify the discontented citizens by various promises (only partially fulfilled),‡ and consented to the arrest of a number of officials who had been most guilty of extortion. One of these was Edmund Fanning, who was tried on six indictments for extortion and found guilty in every instance. every instance. Instead, however, of making an example of Fanning by imposing a sufficient sentence, the royal judges insulted the people by levying a fine of one penny upon Fanning, which, as a matter of from fact, openly absolved him blame. Fanning, with several others found "guilty guilty" of the same charge, Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., p. 571; Caruthers, Life of Dr. Caldwell, p. 575; North Carolina Colonial Records, vol. viii., pp. 9, 500, 546, 646; Fitch, Some Neglected History of North Carolina, pp. 51-53. The South in the Building of the Nation, vol. i., p. 451; Fitch, pp. 44-46; Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. i., p. 147; Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 362365. Lossing, pp. 365-367. || Bancroft, vol. iii., pp. 304-305; Fitch, pp. 55, 168-170; North Carolina Colonial Records, vol. viii., pp. 184-185, 235-241. |