FINANCIAL MEASURES; COMMITTEES APPOINTED. Having completed these addresses, the members of Congress plunged into the most urgent business at hand. It was voted that the colonies be placed in a state of defence; and Congress thereupon ordered that troops be enlisted, forts erected at various points, ammunition and military stores purchased, etc. To meet these expenses, an issue of $2,000,000 in notes bearing the inscription "The United Colonies" was authorized, the faith of the confederacy being pledged for their redemption.* A quota of this sum was apportioned to each colony which was made liable for its portion of the whole, though the United Colonies were obligated to pay whatever part of this sum remained undischarged by any of the colonies. The quota assigned to each colony was divided into four installments to be paid in four, five, six, and seven years from the last day of November, 1775, and each colony was required to provide taxes, so as to be able to discharge its quota promptly and in full. On July 25 a second emission of $1,000,000 was ordered. Meanwhile, the Massachusetts convention had requested that Congress assume full charge of and all power over the forces then besieging Boston. It was resolved that these specimens of her government, that we shall ever detest and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, murder, famine, fire, and pestilence."- Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 87. * Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, vol. i., pp. 146-147 (5th ed.). Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. i., pp. 22, 53-54. 349 troops should be reinforced by ten ad- *John Adams, Works, vol. ix., p. 357. † Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 205. Jefferson, writing to a friend at about this time, said: "It is an immense misfortune to the whole empire to have a king of such a disposition at such a time. *** In an earlier part of this contest, our petitions told him that from our King there was but one appeal. The admonition was despised and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn-that, after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us by the measures adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear sir, there is not in the British Empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. It is will alone that is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will probably decide, everlastingly, our future course; and I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on." Morse, Thomas Jeffer· son, p. 31. 350 ADVICE TO STATES; WASHINGTON APPOINTED COMMANDER. * In addition to the above matters, Congress was called upon also to give advice to the various States. At this time troops were expected at New York. Toward the latter part of April the people of that State met in convention, and appointed delegates to Congress. Shortly afterward, the convention requested Congress to advise them as to the proper manner in which they should receive the expected troops. Congress recommended that for the present it would be best simply to be wary and vigilant, but, if it became necessary, to repel force with arms.t Congress also recommended that whatever military stores were in the vicinity should be removed to a place of safety; that the women and children should go to some secure place; and that the colonists should be prepared to resist forcibly any insult or injury. In New York the royalist influence was particularly strong, and the patriots of this colony experienced much difficulty in complying with the recommendations of Congress. A plan of conciliation had been formed, but like all the others, it asked too much for Parliament to concede, and yielded more than the people in general were willing to grant.‡ One of the most difficult problems before Congress was the appointment of a commander-in-chief for the colo * See the call issued, in Lamb, City of New York, vol. ii., p. 22. Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 192. In general, see also Flick, Loyalism in New York, p. 40 et seq. Roberts, New York, vol. ii., p. 402 et seq. nial forces. There were a number of men who seemed to have equal claim for this distinguished honor, but Congress was almost split in twain by sectional jealousies and prejudices, and it was especially hard to agree on a commander who would be entirely acceptable to all the colonies. The matter was debated long and earnestly, but from the very first Washington appeared to be the most acceptable to all.* There were a number of men older in arms than he, however, and it was doubtful how the actual appointment would be received. Yet Virginia was of vast importance in the impending struggle with the mother country, and it was desirable that her people be gratified in every way possible. Accordingly, on the 15th of June, Thomas Johnson, of Maryland, nominated Washington for the position, and the choice having been seconded by Samuel Adams, it was pronounced to be the unanimous sentiment of Congress. Washington the *See Fisher, Struggle for American Independ ence, vol. i., p. 349 et seq.; Irving, Life of Wash ington, vol. i., p. 478 et seq.; John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 175. Mr. Curtis says: "There can be no doubt that Washington was chosen commander-in-chief for his unquestionable merits, and not as a compromise between sectional interests and local jealousies."- History of the Constitution, vol. i., p. 41-48 (Constitutional History, vol. i., pp. 27-33). Silas Deane, June 16, 1775, wrote that Washington was "elected to that office by the unanimous voice of all America."-Connecticut Historical Collections, vol. ii., p. 264. See also Ramsay's History of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 216; Bancroft, vol. iv., pp. 205-212; Sparks, Life of Washington, pp. 128-130; Johnson, General Washington, pp. 104-105; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, pp. 335-336; John Adams, Works, vol. ii., pp. 415-418. |