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know is empty, the reputation thereof gone, the ancient lands are sold, the jewels pawned, the plate engaged, the debt still great; almost all charges, both ordinary and extraordinary, borne by projects. What poverty can be greater, what necessity so great? What perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow for the truth? For the oppression of the subject, which as I remember is the next particular I proposed, it needs no demonstration, the whole kingdom is a proof; and for the exhausting of our treasures, that oppression speaks it. What waste of our provisions, what consumption of our ships, what destruction of our men have been! Witness that journey to Argiers-witness that with Mansfield-witness that to Cadiz-witness the next-witness that to Rhé-witness the last (I pray God we may never have more such witnesses)! Witness likewise the Palatinate-witness Denmark-witness the Turks-witness the Dunkirkers-witness all, what losses we have sustained, how we are impaired in munition, in ships, in men. It hath no contradiction we were never so much weakened, nor had less hope how to be restored. These, Mr. Speaker, are our dangers, these are they do threaten us, and are like that Trojan horse, brought in cunningly to surprise us. In these do lurk the strongest of our enemies ready to issue on us, and, if we do not now the more speedily expel them, these are the sign, the invitation to others. These will prepare their entrance that we shall have no means left of refuge or defence; for if we have these enemies at home, how can we strive with those that are abroad? If we be free from these, no other can impeach us. Our ancient English virtue, that old Spartan valour, cleared from these disorders; being in sincerity of religion once made friends with Heaven; having maturity of councils, sufficiency of generals, incorruption of officers, opulency in the King, liberty in the people, repletion in treasures, restitution of provisions, reparation of ships, preservation of men,—our ancient English virtue thus rectified, I say, will secure us; and, unless there be a speedy reformation in these, I know not what hopes or expectations we may have. These things, Sir, I shall desire to have taken into consideration-that, as we are the great council of the kingdom, and have the apprehension of these dangers, we may truly represent them unto the King; wherein I conceive we are bound by a treble obligation, of duty unto God, of duty to his Majesty, and of duty to our country."

Eliot's Last Appearance.-The last scene in this patriot's history, before the Tower gates were closed upon him, was in every way a memorable one. He was aware that the King, who had already ordered an adjournment of the Parliament, was about to dissolve it, finding it determined not to grant money without the redress of grievances. On the day fixed for the temporary reassembling of the Houses, the 2nd of March, 1629, Eliot rose in his place immediately after prayers, to propose an emphatic resolution which he had prepared against tonnage and poundage. The Speaker (Sir John Finch, a tool of the court party) endeavoured to check him, saying it was the King's order that they were to adjourn; but the House insisted upon its right to adjourn itself, and declared it would hear Eliot. "These men," said he-alluding to

Buckingham and other evil advisers of Charles-"these men go about to break Parliaments lest Parliaments should break them." And he brought his speech to a conclusion by saying, "I protest, as I am a gentleman, if my fortune be ever again to meet in this honourable assembly, where I now leave I will begin again." He then offered his resolution to the Speaker, who positively refused to read it, and was about to quit the chair, when he was thrust back by Denzil Hollis and others, and Hollis read the resolution, which was carried by acclamation. The doors, having been previously locked, were now thrown open, and the members, hurrying forth, found a King's guard had just been sent to clear the house by force. Sir Simonds D'Ewes notes this as "the most gloomy, sad, and dismal day for England that had happened for five hundred years."

JOHN PYM.

(1584-1643.)

A Pithy Speech.-On the 4th of April, 1628, the House received a message from the King asking for supplies, and concluding, "The more confidence you shall show in his grace and goodness, the more you shall prevail to obtain your own desires." Upon this occasion (says Rushworth) Mr. Pym spake thus: "In business of weight dispatch is better than discourse. We came not hither without all motives that can be towards his Majesty, had he never sent in this message. We know the danger of our enemies; we must give expedition to expedition: let us forbear particulars. A man in a journey is hindered by asking too many questions. I do believe our peril is as great as may be; every man complains of it, that doth encourage the enemy; our way is to take that that took away our estates, that is, the enemy. To give speedily is that that the King calls for. A word spoken in season is like an apple of silver, and actions are more precious than words. Let us hasten our resolutions to supply his Majesty." After some debate the House unanimously resolved that five subsidies be given to the King.

A Sophistical Defence.-The following anecdote of Pym is related in Lord North's "Narrative ":" The House had newly received a message from his Majesty (Charles I.), which was so far from being satisfactory as many persons spoke against it with much vehemence, and among the rest Sir Henry Ludlow, who very resolutely used these terms, 'He who sent this message is not fit to be King of England.' Upon saying this, he was immediately interrupted, and the words that were spoken agreed upon preparatory to a charge; but before his withdrawing in order to a censure, Mr. Pym arose and said, 'That those words contained nothing of dishonour to the King;' which being found very strange he thus cleared his meaning: If these words be such as a fair conclusion is naturally deducible from them, then they cannot be evil in themselves. Now, that a fair conclusion naturally ariseth from them may be proved by syllogism. He who sent this message is not worthy to be King of England; but King Charles is worthy to be King of England; therefore, King Charles sent not this message. Now,' saith Mr. Pym, 'I leave it to judgment whether or no this syllogism comprise anything

in it worthy of censure.' This argument was so ingenious as Sir Henry Ludlow (with his ill meaning) came freely off without punishment."

A Reprimand delivered to the Lords. In the "Short Parliament" of April, 1640, the House of Lords passed resolutions to the effect that supply ought to have precedence of grievances (a point which the King was strenuously insisting upon), and that the Commons should be invited to a conference on the subject. Pym represented these resolutions to the House of Commons as a gross breach of its privileges, and was deputed by the House to go up to the Lords with a protest against it. He then made to the Upper Chamber the following outspoken declaration ("Parliamentary History"): "Your lordships have meddled with, and advised concerning, both matter of supply and the time when the same should be made, and this before such time as the same was moved to your lordships by the Commons. As a course for the repair of this breach of privilege, the Commons beg to suggest that your lordships would, in your wisdoms, find out yourselves some sort of reparation, and of prevention of the like infringement for the future. And the Commons humbly desire, through me, to represent to your lordships that, in case your lordships have taken notice of any orders or proceedings of the Commons concerning religion, property, and privileges, and that they were to proceed to the supply-which they have some cause to conceive by these words, That this being done, your lordships would freely join with the Commons in those three things,'-for the avoiding all misunderstandings between your lordships and the Commons for time to come, they desire your lordships hereafter to take no notice of anything which shall be debated by the Commons until they shall themselves declare the same unto your lordships, which the Commons shall always observe towards your lordships' proceedings, conceiving the contrary not to consist with the privileges of the House." The Commons passed a vote of thanks to Pym for the good service he did them on this occasion. The firmness of the House led to its dissolution a few days afterwards, greatly to the indignation of the country.

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Defence of Parliamentary Privilege.-In the course of an elaborate speech in the short-lived Parliament of 1640, Pym thus defended the privileges of the Commons: "The privileges of Parliament were not given for the ornament or advantage of those who are the members of Parliament. They have a real use and efficacy towards that which is the end of Parliaments. We are free from suits that we may the more entirely addict ourselves to the public services; we have liberty of speech that our counsels may not be corrupted with fear, or our judgments perverted with self respects. Those three great faculties and functions of Parliament, the legislative, judiciary, and consiliary power, cannot be well exercised without such privileges as these. The wisdom of our laws, the faithfulness of our counsels, the righteousness of our judgments, can hardly be kept pure and untainted if they proceed from distracted and restrained minds. These powers of Parliament are to the body politic as the rational faculties of the soul to a man: that which keeps all the parts of the Commonwealth in frame and temper ought to be most

carefully preserved in that freedom, vigour, and activity which belongs to itself."

Extorting an Apology.-Pym met the question of the supply necessary for the forces to be sent into Ireland (Nov. 5th, 1641) by reviving the question of the King's evil counsellors. "His Majesty must be told," said the member for Tavistock, "that Parliament here finds evil counsels to have been the cause of all their troubles in Ireland, and that, unless the Sovereign will be pleased to free himself from such, and take only counsellors whom the kingdom can confide in, Parliament will hold itself absolved from giving assistance in the matter." On this up sprang the member for St. Ives, Mr. Edmund Waller, cousin to Hampden and to Cromwell, yet one of Hyde's most eager recruits, nor more despised for his abject, veering, vacillating spirit than he was popular for his wit, vivacity, and genius. These he had now placed entirely at the King's disposal. "He begged the House to observe what Mr. Pym had just said, and to remember what formerly had been said by the Earl of Strafford. Where in effect was the difference between such counsel to a king, as that he was absolved from all laws of government, on Parliament refusing his unjust demands, and such advice to a Parliament as that it should hold itself absolved from assisting the State, on the King's non-compliance with demands perhaps not more just ?" The too ingenious speaker was not permitted to say more. Pym rose immediately and spoke to order. "If the advice he had given were indeed of the same nature as Lord Strafford's, then he deserved the like punishment; and he craved, therefore, the justice of the House, either to be submitted to its censure, or that the gentleman who spoke last be compelled to make reparation." Many and loud were the cries for Waller which followed this grave and dignified rebuke; but a strong party supported him in his refusal to give other than such modified explanation as he at first tendered, and it was not until after long debate he was ordered into the committee chamber, and had to make submission in the required terms. It was near five o'clock on that November evening when Mr. Waller "publicly asked pardon of the House and Mr. Pym."-Forster's "Remonstrance."

A Vindication of Law.-Pym's speech on the last day of Strafford's impeachment (April 13, 1641) was printed by order of the House of Commons, and appears in the contemporary volume, "Speeches and Passages of this Great and Happy Parliament," as well as in Rushworth's later "Collections." It has been greatly admired by men of all parties. Although occupying (according to one who was present) only half an hour in delivery, and so far extempore that it was spoken immediately after Strafford's defence, and took up many points of his argument, yet it is stately in tone and pregnant with logical force throughout. His vindication of law, which he accused Strafford of endeavouring to override by tyrannical authority, was one of the most striking passages. The Earl of Strafford's offence, said he, "is an offence comprehending all other offences; here you shall find several treasons, murthers, rapines, oppressions, perjuries. The earth hath a seminary virtue, whereby it doth

produce all herbs and plants, and other vegetables: there is in this crime a seminary of all evils hurtful to a state; and, if you consider the reasons of it, it must needs be so. The law is that which puts difference betwixt good and evil, betwixt just and unjust. If you take away the law, all things will fall into a confusion, every man will become a law to himself, which, in the depraved condition of human nature, must needs produce many great enormities. Lust will become a law, and envy will become a law; covetousness and ambition will become laws; and what dictates, what decisions such laws will produce may easily be discerned in the late government of Ireland. The law hath a power to prevent, to restrain, to repair evils; without this, all kinds of mischiefs and distempers will break in upon a State. It is the law that doth entitle the King to the allegiance and service of his people; it entitles the people to the protection and justice of the King. It is God alone who subsists by himself; all other things subsist in a mutual dependence and relation. He was a wise man that said that the King subsisted by the field that is tilled. It is the labour of the people that supports the Crown; if you take away the protection of the King, the vigour and cheerfulness of allegiance will be taken away, though the obligation remain. The law is the boundary, the measure betwixt the King's prerogative and the people's liberty. Whiles these move in their own orb, they are a support and security to one another; the prerogative a cover and defence to the liberty of the people, and the people by their liberty are enabled to be a foundation to the prerogative. But if these bounds be so removed that they enter into contestation and conflict, one of these mischiefs must needs ensue: if the prerogative of the King overwhelm the liberty of the people, it will be turned into tyranny; if liberty undermine the prerogative, it will grow into anarchy. The law is the safeguard, the custody of all private interest. Your honours, your lives, your liberties and estates are all in the keeping of the law; without this every man hath a like right to anything."

Attempt to Communicate the Plague to Pym.-Pym was sitting (writes Forster) in his usual place on the right hand, beyond the members' gallery, near the bar, on the 25th of October, 1641, when, in the midst of debate on a proposition he had submitted for allowance of "powder and bullet" to the City Guard, a letter was brought to him. The sergeant of the House had received it from a messenger at the door, to whom a gentleman on horseback in a grey coat had given it that morning, on Fish Street Hill-with a gift of a shilling, and injunction to deliver it with great care and speed. As Pym opened the letter, something dropped out of it on the floor; but without giving heed to this he read to himself a few words, and then, holding up the paper, called it a scandalous libel. Hereupon it was carried up to the lately-appointed clerk's assistant, Mr. John Rushworth, who, in his unmoved way, read aloud its abuse of the great leader of the House, and its asseveration that if he should escape the present attempt, the writer had a dagger prepared for him. At this point, however, young Mr. Rushworth would seem to have lost his coolness, for he read the next few lines in an agitated way. They explained what had dropped from the letter. It was a rag that had

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