successful experiment in self-government on our near neighbors, when our nation, only in its infancy, attracted the fearful gaze of Legitimacy in the Old World, and by its beautiful symmetry of proportions and presentment of form and motion, came near unsettling the foundations of thrones, which had been deemed immovable? France far off across an ocean, was captivated with the wisdom and singular felicity of our government, and became an admirer of our republican principles. Dazzled with the brightness of the Star which was so refulgent in the western hemisphere, it dreamed of rearing a republic on the ruins of the throne of the Bourbons. But mistaking licentiousness for liberty, it precipitated itself, by the revolution, justly denominated the Reign of Terror, into the depths of anarchy-and the movement was worse than none-a signal failure.

The South American republics assuredly seem to owe their origin to our example. Has not destiny manifested here on this continent, such order, such sequence as this, in political development-first colonies, next republics, and, in the ultimate, United States of America? Mexico torn in pieces by intestine commotions and factions, must come to us for consolation in its distresses, or die—perish for ever. No foreign protectorate will be tolerated. British subjects all the way from the stormy Atlantic to the Frozen Ocean, seem just now to be loyal and content to bow to royalty. It may be well, however, for their rulers to take warning and learn lessons from the state of affairs in India-revolution here as well as there, is a possibility. Manifest destiny! indeed, these words should not be terms of reproach, nor by-words of braggartism-seers say they are significant !

Europe has its United States;-its great powers have for a long period been united by strong ties of fellowship-fellowship founded on self-interest and not on real friendship and mutual good-feeling. Their union is for the perpetuation of power-of crowns-of thrones, by certain successions of old royal families and ancient houses of princes of the realm or empire. Their Holy Alliance holds in check the Eastern continent and woe to the people who shall rise up to resist

the monarch sway that rules them.

Where is Hungary?
Kossuth, pursued like

Where is Poland ? drawn in pieces and dismembered like the victim of the quadrupled quadrupeds loosened and let go in the ancient torture. Order reigns in Warsaw. Let its eloquent and Heaven-inspired the partridge on the mountains, till reaching the confines of old Asia, answer the question. He will say its lawful governor was driven beyond the pale of European civilization— that the Christian Powers permitted the House of Hapsburg to hold its government; and history will record with shame, how kinder than a Christian is the worshipper at the shrine of the prophet-how higher and holier than the Cross is the Crescent. But enough for illustration. Their systems-their policy shall they sweep over this land? Shall they find lodgment and life in its beautiful islands, on its mighty mountains, and along its lengthened and broad rivers?

America too has its United States;-they are fast spreading the banners of human freedom and of rational liberty over the Western continent. The ligament that binds them has lasted more than four score years, and is, to-day, stronger and surer than at first. The bond of friendship and of brotherhood holds them. Their union has for its high purpose, to establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people and their posterity! The day and the land in which we live is remarkable for the birth of republics-these and organized territories are rapidly covering the immense American domain. Let time hasten the day, when, for the purposes of liberty and freedom to all men-of all climes-of all countries on the face of the earth, coming hither to dwell

No pent up Utica contracts our powers,
But the whole boundless continent is ours!

DEMOCRACY AND REPUBLICANISM - CHOATE AND CUSHING.

T is a remarkable fact, that however the young and inexperienced mind of the American politician may look upon Democracy and the institutions established by its influence on this continent, the more experienced statesman, among whatever party he may have ranked, seems irresistibly drawn in his ripened years to the Democratic party.

This was particularly the case with Clay and Webster in former days, and with Cushing and Choate at the present time. Some say Clay left the Democratic party at an early day; but his opinions underwent another change, and he closed his brilliant public career a National Democrat. Daniel Webster, after following the principles of the Whig party for years, finally became so befogged by its inconsistencies, that, some time before he withdrew from it, he was constrained to say, "Where shall I go?" He toiled with its members yet a little longer, and then being forced to choose between his party and his country, he decided to stand by the Constitution and the Union. The evening preceding the day his great speech was delivered in the United States Senate announcing his determination, he could be seen walking back and forth upon the grounds of the Capitol of the nation, wiping the perspiration from his massive brow, while reflecting on the responsibility he was about to assume in placing himself, like the rock amid the billows of the ocean, between the Constitution of his beloved country and the excited waves of Northern fanaticism, which had just then fairly commenced to lash against the Constitution of the United States, tossing and turning the public mind with the violence of a resistless flood. Webster's great mind soared out far beyond and above the public opinion of the day, and the hour that gave birth to the announcement of his truly national and statesmanlike sentiments. They were to become a pillar in the

American structure upon which the unity of the States was to rest in safety. He well knew his own State would desert her hitherto favourite son; but he did not know that the United States, the nation, would be so slow to come to his rescue. We say slow, for there is no question but that if his life had been prolonged a few years, his country would have manifested its appreciation of his patriotic services, as it now manifests its regret at his loss. Other and earlier examples of change from the opposition to the Democratic party could be cited in further proof of what has been said, but it is deemed unnecessary.

We now come to more recent changes of sentiment of able orators, and great men who once belonged to, and were ornaments of the Whig party. Choate and Cushing are justly classed among the first and most able of living statesmen. Indeed, however strange it may appear, their minds seem almost too brilliant, and their oratorical powers too fascinating for men of stability of purpose or solidity of political character. Mr. Cushing has, for several years past, labored in the Democratic cause, and is now thoroughly identified with its men and its measures, and few, if any, more successful champions are found in our ranks. Mr. Choate, on the contrary, has only very recently withdrawn from the opposition, and proclaimed himself a friend of the National Union. He neither lacks energy nor ability to make his mark in the new line of duty to his country, to the service of which he is now devoting his great talent. These two statesmen of the north stand forth in the political firmament as transparent as did the star of Bethlehem in the religious world-we say this reverentially-and the weary traveller who may chance to be seeking rest from tyranny in the old world can look upon these exponents of true liberty with confidence and hope.

The enquiry naturally arises, why is this? Why do so many of the most profound and able men in the opposition leave it and espouse the cause of Democracy? This is the more remarkable when it is remembered that these statesmen take all the hazards of local defeat, if indeed, not local political immolation, when they turn against their sectional asso

ciates. Men high in democratic favor have, in times past, deserted the cause to gratify their resentment to their more successful co-laborers. Others have withdrawn from the party when it was supposed to be in danger of defeat-anticipating a safe retreat among the opposition-but none have ever left it because it was not national and patriotic. Not so with Cushing and Choate, and we might almost include Everet. They have left their party because their party deserted the country and ignored its constitution. It was the same with them as with Webster and Clay, they were compelled to choose between their party and their country, and like Webster and Clay, Choate and Cushing chose that better part, their country. They have enlisted in the national democratic army, and they are fighting its battles with a vigor and bravery characteristic of bold and successful chieftains. They are preparing the public mind for that great contest in 1860, when all the elements of sectional strife and fanaticism will be brought in requisition to overwhelm the Democratic party and to subvert the federal constitution. When brother is to be marshalled against brother, and father against son, by the sectional host of the north, for the purpose of destroying the institutions of the south.

These statesmen, Cushing and Choate, have observed with painful anxiety the mischievous tendency of the party with which they were associated. This tendency was more fully developed when the Missouri Compromise was repealed by Congress. No former question had tested the nationality of the Democratic party, and the sectional character of the oppotion, as this act of repeal did. The sectional and revolutionary elements that had for a long time beset the old Whig party, were quickened and consolidated by the Kansas act, and these elements now constitute the Republican party; the conservative Whigs having left it, or rather having refused to go into it. The wisdom evinced by Choate and Cushing in the course they have pursued, will be more fully illustrated by a glance at some of the features and actions of the Republican party, and their bearings upon national politics, since the abrogation of the Missouri Compromise, and the inaugura