is the good of my people. Must I be constrained to see my State inundated by foreign bandits? No." When Ferdinand heard the answer he bit his lips till they bled, and asked if the Austrian army could not go by sea; and he even went so far as to pronounce a learned opinion on the probabilities that the sea would not dry up before the fleet could arrive. Something was said about an English fleet off the coast of Sicily about that time, and Ferdinand bit his lips again. He had discovered the author of Il Cuore Trafitto, and the impudent del Carretto did not seem disposed to help him in this business of the Austrian army. The King grew desperate. "The hour has come," said he, "to steel the heart against mercy, and make the rebels tremble." He put all his troops under arms: and to encourage them to drink the blood of their brothers, he made many promotions-created two Lieutenant-Generals, one of whom was the notorious del Carretto; four Marshals, one of whom was the notorious General Landi, another butcher of men, women and children. Throughout the kingdom discontent and terror were at the last point. At Palermo it was a crime to have a portrait or a medal of Pius IX. on the person, or in the house. Such is the boasted veneration of Catholic tyrants for the Head of the Catholic Church. To undertake a history of the scenes of brutality, massacre, and blood which followed, or even to trace in outline the heroic achievements of the Sicilian people during that glorious attempt at independence, does not form any portion of our design. Large volumes have already been written on these subjects alone. Such services as had been rendered by these lieutenants of the kingdom could not fail of their reward. (To be continued.) BOYHOOD MEMORIES. BY HORACE DRESSER. RAY, let me see thy face again, dear river, PRAY All smiling as it used to be, When in thy solitudes I mused and never Saw but the Beautiful in thee. Bright stream, thou never hadst sincerer lover- I left thy lovely banks and bowers, however,- Forget, I never can, do try remember, With dreams of muskrat caught, I left my pillow, My gun and traps, and spears and fishing tackle, They say the shad have fled thy waves for ever, The seine, canoe, old captain S., however, I said, I quit thee-ay-and went to college, There, days and years I spent in search of knowledge, In Homer-Hesiod-other books: I read about an ancient classic river, Pactolus named, whose yellow stream Transmutes its sands to gold, unheard of ever, Except in Alchymy's wild dream! But though unknown to Fame, I love thee better, Than all the names to which old Greece is debtor, The red-man loved thee, and along thy border, His lodge in forest rudeness reared There lived and roamed till times took on new order, And axe-man's blows thy woodlands cleared. Didst note the time I strolled thy banks, the rather On one Thanksgiving morn so apt to gather I joy, am glad, rejoice, give thanks whenever Dear birth-place-childhood's home-and native river, How bright and blest ye all have been! Be far away the day, O yes, for ever, Whose dawn shall change your gladsome mein: That day-may it be turned to darkest earth-night, The Urite curse upon it rest Their love shall ever be my sacred birth-right, Loved stream, dost thou not well remember Nero, Beneath a barn-floor deep in dust and smother, He lived and loved, and was my boyhood's fellow; n-he fell-became a sleeper Old age came on— I buried him beside a tree! When I go home his grave I seek, a weeper, And think o'er Nero's love for me. When I am weak and near to die, dear river, This thought shall ever bring me peace- Yes-when I sleep and have this life departed, THE CONTEST IN ILLINOIS-SENATOR DOUGLAS ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY-EXTRACTS FROM HIS SPEECH, DELIVERED ON THE OCCASION OF HIS RECEPTION AT CHICAGO, JULY 9, 1858. I CAN find no language which can adequately express to this vast assembly my profound gratitude for the magnificent welcome which you have extended to me on this occasion. This vast sea of human faces indicates how deep an interest is felt by the people in the great questions that agitate the public mind, and underlie the foundations of our free institutions. A reception like this, so vast in numbers that no human voice can be heard to its extremes, so enthusiastic that no one man can be the object of the enthusiasm, clearly shows that there is some great principle which sinks deep in the heart of the masses, involves the rights and liberties of a whole people, that has brought you together with a unanimity and a cordiality never before excelled, if equalled, on any occasion. I have not the vanity to believe it is any personal compliment to me. It is an expression of your devotion to that great principle of self-government to which my life for many years past has been, and, in the whole of the future, will be, devoted. If there is any one principle dearer and more sacred than all others in free governments, it is that which asserts the right of every people to form and adopt their own fundamental laws, and to manage and regulate their own internal affairs and domestic institutions. When I found an effort being made during the recent session of Congress to force a constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will, and to force that State into the Union with a constitution which the people had rejected by ten thousand majority, I felt bound, as a man of honor, as a representative of Illinois, bound by every consideration of duty, of fidelity, and of patriotism to resist, to the utmost of my power, the consummation of that fraud. With others I did resist it, and resisted it successfully, until the attempt was abandoned. We forced them to refer that constitution back to the people of Kansas, to be accepted or rejected, as they should decide, at an election which is fixed for the first Monday of August next. It is true, that the mode of reference, and the form of submission, were not such as I could sanction with my vote, for the reason that it discriminated between Free States and Slave States-providing that if they came in with the Lecompton Constitution, they could be received with 35,000, but if they chose to demand another Constitution, more consonant with their' sentiments and their feelings, they should not be received into the Union until they had 93,420 inhabitants. I did not consider that mode of submission fair, for the reason that any election is a mockery which is not free, any election is a fraud upon the rights of the people which holds out inducements for affirmative votes, and penalties for negative votes; but while I was not satisfied with the mode of submission-while I resisted that mode to the last, demanding a fair, a just, a free mode of submission-still when the law passed placing it within the power of the people of Kansas, at that election, to reject the Lecompton Constitution, and then make another in harmony with their opinions and their principles, I did not believe that either the penalties on the one hand, or the inducements on the other, would force that people to accept a Constitution to which they are irreconcilably opposed. All I can say is, that if their votes can be controlled by such considerations, all the sympathy which |