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Law of Nations, or, as it is now more properly termed, international law. But a little examination will show that diplomacy, though closely associated with international law, is a separate sphere of intellectual exertion. The diplomatist undoubtedly requires to be acquainted with international law, and to observe its general injunctions. He often finds it necessary to appeal to the rules, or supposed rules, of that code; but it would be a confusion of terms to count him an officer engaged in the execution of international law. He has to accomplish objects which are not achievable through any law real or fictitious, but are achieved solely through the art of diplomacy. Questions in which private rights and obligations are concerned are a perpetual source of diplomatic exertion. In England, and to some extent in the other states called the great powers, the administration of justice is pursued on rules so absolute that there is no chance of their being relinquished to favour a friendly or to injure a hostile nation. Further, diplomacy, besides the larger operations connected with great treaties or alliances, keeps a vigilant eye on the ordinary details of international law, for the purpose of seeing that it is equitably administered. In this sense the diplomatist is like a law-agent, whose duty it is to see that his client receives justice at the hands of other nations under this code.

to the local and general nature of the disease. Difference | The subject has been usually treated under the head of the of opinion exists among physicians as to the utility of topical applications in the form of causties applied to the affected parts, some attaching great importance to their use as tending to arrest the progress of the disease, while others hold that the irritation so produced favours the spread of the false membranes. Probably at the outset, when the local manifestations are but slight, the use of such a caustic as nitrate of silver, either in the solid form or in strong solution, may be of service; but after any considerable surface has been invaded by the false membrane little good, it is to be feared, can be done in this way. The forcible removal of the false membrane is generally condemned, as by this means a raw bleeding surface is left, upon which the deposit is reproduced with great rapidity. The exudation, however, tends to be cast off spontaneously by a process of suppuration, and, as favouring this, and at the same time acting as a soothing remedy, the inhalation of steam is recommended. The employment, in the form of spray or of washes or gargles, of solutions of carbolic acid, Condy's fluid, perchloride of iron, chlorine water, or chlorate of potash, is valuable in the way of disinfecting the parts, and subduing the fetid exhalations which are always present. When the disease has spread into the larynx and the breathing is embarrassed, an emetic may be of use in aiding the expulsion of the false membrane. It is, however, in great measure to the constitutional treatment that the physician's attention must be directed in diphtheria. The effect of the disease upon the patient's strength is so marked that from the very beginning there is an urgent demand for strong nourishment, which should be freely administered in the form of milk, soup, &c., as long as there exists the power of swallowing, and when this fails nutrient enemata should be resorted to. Large doses of quinine and of the tincture of the perchloride of iron are recommended, and stimulants will in almost all cases be called for from an early period. The question of tracheotomy has to be considered when the false membrane has spread into the air passages and threatens death by asphyxia; and although the operation in such circumstances affords but a feeble chance of success, the cases of recovery by this means have been sufficiently numerous to justify its employment as a last resort. The paralysis which follows diphtheria usually yields in the course of time to tonics and good nourishment.

It should be mentioned that in all cases of diphtheria means should be taken by isolation of the patient and the use of disinfectants to prevent as far as possible the spread of the disease in a household; while the attendants ought to be scrupulously careful to avoid inoculation with the products of the disease, and should frequently use gargles of some of those substances above mentioned. (J. o. a.) DIPLOMACY is the art of conducting the intercourse of nations with each other. The word obviously owes its origin to the source subsequently explained in the article DIPLOMATICS. It is singular that a term of so much practical importance in politics and history should be so recent in its adoption that it is not to be found in Johnson's dictionary. There has, indeed, ever been a reluctance in the English nature to acknowledge the art of transacting international business as a pursuit worthy of a British statesman, or as one entitling its adepts to honourable fame. It is popularly looked on as the art of carrying into the business of nations a morality condemned in the intercourse of men with each other, and as a means of employing subtlety where force is insufficient to accomplish some statesman's object. Hence the term has been colloquially used to express a modified degree of canning; and conduct which is wily and subtle, without being directly false or fraudulent, is styled "diplomatic.

Diplomacy, as a science, has arisen out of the development of the European powers, and their rise on the ruins of the Roman empire. As a uniform system, following principles nearly as well established as those of many codes of law, it exists solely among the European powers, partly embracing those nations, such as Turkey and Persia, which have been brought into close association with them. The difficulty, however, of getting those Eastern states to understand and obey the laws of diplomacy, and submit to its restraints, has ever been an object of anxious comment to Wick efort and the other systematic writers on diplomacy. To submit to be bound in the moment of power by a theoretical system not enforced by the strong hand of any judge, spiritual or temporal, is not consistent with the Oriental mind; and the great civilized powers, in dealing with the Eastern states, as in their intercourse with barbarous tribes, have relied on their own strength, exercised with cruelty or with mildness as the case might be. Alliances and leagues, declarations of war and treaties of peace, have taken place, it is true, among those states, but it would be an historical absurdity to suppose diplomatic relations connecting together China, Burmah, and Japan, as they connect the great European powers.

In the same manner the ancient world had its treaties and leagues, but no systematic diplomatic relations. The pretensions of Rome during the empire, indeed, superseded every kind of international engagement, since she would permit of no relation between the empire and any other state, save that of predominance on her part and subjection on the other. Yet it is evidently from this system of centralization that the diplomatic relations of the European states arose. Freed from the temporal jurisdiction of the empire, and no longer mere dependencies, the European states were still subject in a modified shape to an influence radiating from the old centre of imperial authority. The bishop of Rome, in claiming a spiritual authority at least co-extensive with the geographical area of the temporal authority of the departed emperors of Rome, created a sanction, though an imperfect one, for the execution of justice among nations, and acted in some measure as a controlling influence over their diplomatic operations. A memorable instance of the influence of the Pope is found in the relations between John of England and Philip of France. The semi-judicial authority of the court of

Rome was cited in support of the English conquest of Ireland, and was appealed to by both parties in the Scottish War of Independence. Little as the Papal authority was respected by even the most Catholic monarchs when they were at the head of large and well-found armies, yet in matters of dubious equilibrium the authority of the Pope had some weight; and as his was a power not limited to any particular state or cluster of states, but ever present throughout all the transactions of Christian realms with each other, it had, beyond doubt, an influence gradual and continuous in giving modern diplomacy the amount of specific character which it had obtained at the period of the Reformation. Under the head BALANCE OF POWER, the evils arising from the absence of a supreme power to judge between states, as the courts of law decide questions between individual citizens, will be found discussed. It suffices here to say, that much of the deficiency is filled up by the fortunate train of events which have created, throughout the civilized world, a traditional system of diplomatic practice. The representatives of great nations, following up the traditions of the science of diplomacy, have often sought by similar acts to do what they considered their duty to their country by taking advantage of every opportunity of aggrandizing it. But modern political philosophy and morality teach us that this is not the manner in which great nations are to be supported or aggrandized, and that for their diplomatic servants there is spread out a far nobler field of exertion. It is founded on the consciousness that the real power of states must come from within-from the Bound condition of the people, physically, industrially, and morally-from well-poised political institutions and good government. If these are absent no diplomatic skill can make up for them; if they be present it cannot enhance the real power of the state which possesses them. But to the diplomatic representatives of states both powerful and honest a function of a higher character still than mere national aggrandizement belongs, in the capacity, by able, temperate, and honourable negotiation, to keep feeble states from being crushed by their potent neighbours, to preserve peace in the world so long as it can honourably be preserved, and to see generally that international justice is observed among mankind. The true functions of the great powers are in some measure embodied in the well-known lines of Virgil:

"Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, inemento;

He tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem,
Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos."

The historical events, and the industrial and commercial progress which have during the past hundred years so aggrandized the power of Britain among European nations, have, in this view of the uses of our diplomacy, become a great boon to the smaller states, and even to the citizens of the greater. The parliamentary responsibility, and the perpetual public scrutiny and discussion to which the acts of our statesmen are subjected, are not only checks on our own diplomatic acts, but on those of every other civilized state. It was a boast attributed to one of the great fabricators of British diplomacy, the elder Pitt, that not a gun should be fired throughout the world without Britain knowing why. If Britain could make good this boast, it would extend in some measure to mankind at large the blessings enjoyed at home from living under a responsible government. As it is even at present, the continuous liability of having whatever he does called before Parliament and the public, must be an ever present and influencing motive with every British diplomatist. Hence he not only dare not countenance any act of national rapacity, tyranny, or fraud, but he is, as the representative of a nation which has great power and no secrets, a check upon the diplomatic honesty of all the world.

In contrast to the old opinions which attributed the power and prosperity of nations to diplomatic ability, overlooking the substantial sources of material progress, a political sect has appeared in recent times who denounce the diplomatic system as foolish or wicked, and proclaim the doctrine of non-intervention in the affairs of other nations. It is practically clear, however, that whatever degree of perfection the world may reach in time, the first great power which avows this opinion will become the immediate victim of its rivals; and thus, should Britain withdraw herself from the diplomacy of Europe, the despotic states would soon become strong enough to shut up the commerce of the world, and cast the world two centuries back in civilization.

It is perhaps scarcely necessary to mention that tlie source of the diplomatic organization in any nation is its supreme power; but it is useful to keep in view that, for the rapid movements of this department of politics, nations the most jealous of their constitutional rights have been obliged to place at least provisional power in the hands of individual rulers. Thus in Britain the sovereign, independently of Parliament, has technically the power to make treaties and to declare peace and war; and an authority not much less extensive is committed to the president of the United States. The guidance of a great state's relations with foreign countries is generally committed to one depart ment of the Government-with us it is the function of the foreign secretary. How far he is bound to consult his colleagues in his intercourse with foreign states has some times been matter of acrimonions discussion. The representatives of the Government at foreign courts, though the dignified character of their missions sometimes gives them a rank much higher than that of their instructor, must obey the directions of the foreign minister. In the negotiation of treaties there is an old-standing dispute among publicists, how far nations can be bound if their ambassadors exceed the instructions given to them, which are generally kept secret. When, therefore, an important international act, such as a treaty, is undertaken, there are many sanctions and ceremonials to be accomplished before it is held to be completed. While matters are in a vague condition, many briefly expressed fundamental suggestions will have passed among the negotiators in the form of notes. When the matter becomes more ripe for adjustment, it assumes the shape of a protocol, or draft of the conditions. The ambassadors, when all is adjusted, sign the articles of the treaty; but still it is generally deemed essential that the several Governments should ratify it, or, admitting that their representatives have not exceeded their instructions, engage to fulfil the bargain they have made. country, whenever treaties affect the private rights of the citizen, they must be ratified by Act of Parliament. In addition to notes and substantive treaties, the most important documents in diplomacy may be considered the manifestoes, in which, paying homage to public opinion and the established rules of diplomacy, Governments profess to justify their conduct. When any vile act of oppression or injustice is perpetrated, it is generally followed by an able manifesto, and the ingenuity of the accomplished diplomatist is taxed to make the deed appear just, rational, and necessary.

In this

The nature and functions of the large body of officers who chiefly conduct the diplomacy of the world having been described under the heading AMBASSADOR, it only remains to notice the incidental circumstance that custom has for some time established the French language as the language of diplomacy. In the 16th and during a great part of the 17th century, Latin was employed. Ludlow's memoirs there is, under the year 1656, a curious notice to the effect that the Swedish ambassador com

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plained of the delays in his business, and that, when he desired to have the articles of this treaty put into Latin according to the custom of treaties, it was fourteen days they made him stay for that translation, and sent it to one Mr Milton, a blind man, to put them into Latin, who, he said must use an amanuensis to read it to him, and that amanuensis might publish the matter of the articles as he pleased, and that it seemed strange to him there should be none but a blind man capable of putting a few articles into Latin." In turning over the pages of the great collection of treaties by Dumont and Rousset, one may observe how gradually, during the ascendency of Richelieu, and the subsequent reign of Louis XIV., the use of the French language_radiates from the immediate diplomatic transactions of France over those of Europe at large. Probably its propagation was originally connected with the visions of that universal French empire to which Louis XIV. seemed to be marching before he encountered the combinations of William of Orange. At the present day it can only be pronounced a fortunate thing that diplomatists have agreed to use one language, and that the best adapted for their peculiar functions.

DIPLOMATICS, the science derived from the study of ancient diplomas, so called from being written on two leaves, of on double tablets. The Romans used the term more specially for the letters of licence to use the public conveyances provided at the different stations, and generally for public grants. Subsequently it attained a more extended signification, and in more modern times has been used as a general term for ancient imperial aud ecclesiastical acts and grants, public treaties, deeds of conveyance, letters, wills, and similar instruments, drawn up in forms and marked with peculiarities varying with their dates and countries. With the revival of literature, the importance of such documents in verifying facts and establishing public and private rights led to their being brought together from the historical works and the monastic registers in which they had been copied, or, in rarer instances, from public and ecclesiastical archives where the originals were still preserved. Then arose questions of authenticity, and doubts of the so-called originals; disputants defended or condemned them; and, in order to establish principles for distinguishing the genuine from the forged, treatises were written on the whole subject of these diplomas. With a view to establish the credit of those preserved in the original, the Benedictine, Dom Mabillon, in the year 1681 produced his masterly work De re diplomatica,-Papebroch, the Jesuit, having already, in the year 1675, written his Propilæum antiquarium circa veri ac falsi discrimen in vetustis membranis in the Acta Sanctorum, April, vol. ii. In the following century appeared the Nouveau Traité de Diplomatique, by Dom Toustain (who, however, died before the completion of the work) and Dom Tassin, Benedictines of the congregation of St Maur, 6 vols. 4to, 1750-1765, treating of the whole subject of diplomas, and accordingly entering at length into a minute investigation of the peculiarities and characteristics of writing proper to different ages and countries. Thus treatises on the subject of diplomas gave the name of diplomatics to the study of ancient writing, now more properly termed PALEOGRAPHY, under which it will be separately treated.

Imperial decrees and privileges, public acts and treaties, and, no doubt, contracts between private persons, were in remote times inscribed on marble and stone, on wood and on metal. The wonderfully preserved monuments of ancient Nineveh show the prevalent use of sun-burnt brick. In Egypt papyrus was used from the remotest times. The Greeks and Romans recorded public documents on wooden tablets, on stone, bronze, lead, and ivory, as well as on papyrus, parchment, and other sub

stances. Tablets of wax served for letters and writings of various kinds, but must have been unsuitable for public acts. Pliny speaks of the use of rolls of lead and of linen. There are many Greek documents preserved in the British Museum, the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, and elsewhere, such as royal letters, petitions, contracts, and wills, of the time of the Ptolemies, written on papyrus. See Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits, tome xviii., with plates. The Byzantine emperors often used golden and coloured inks from the 8th to the 12th century.

We know that archives were provided by the Romans for the preservation of their public acts; but fire and war have been the great destroyers of these documents so precious to the historian. Suetonius relates that Vespasian under, took to restore from copies 3000 brazen tablets, containing most anciant records, dating almost from the beginning of the republic, which had been consumed when the Capitol was burnt. Original documents of the nature of diplomas, written in Latin, are now not forthcoming of an earlier period than the 5th century. The acts emanating from royal authority anterior to the 13th century are almost exclusively derived from ecclesiastical archives, and consist of foundations of monasteries, and grants of property, privileges, and immunities. In England, from the 13th century they are systematically registered in the royal chancery; the series of rolls in which they are written, under different classes, is very complete from the reign of King John. History is greatly indebted to the care with which religious houses registered their title deeds. From an early time it was their practise to copy them into volumes, arranging them generally under the name of the property. Chartularies of this character of the 10th century are still extant. The chartulary of Winchester Abbey, compiled early in the 12th century, and containing numerous documents of the time before the Conquest, is in the British Museum.

Imperial acts affecting the state at large were proclaimed through the governors of provinces; as in later times, in England royal writs and ordinances were addressed to the sheriffs of the several counties. In England, it would seem, when the object was to appeal to the people, the document was publicly exhibited. When Edward III. landed, as Prince of Wales, on the Yorkshire coast, with the design of overthrowing his father's government, he drew up a manifesto of his purposes, addressed to the citizens of London, who exhibited it on the cross in the Cheap, placing copies in their, windows (Chron. Monasterii de Melsa.)

At all times diplomas have been drawn very much in set forms. The Romans employed official clerks, (scribe), assigning them to the different magistrates. Under the empire they are called tabelliones, and act as public notaries. After the breaking up of the Roman empire, there was a period when the chanceries of the new states were imperfectly served. The notarial science was partially lost, and, in the general neglect of learning, the composing a public act or private document was a task of difficulty. In the 7th century the monk Marculfus composed a formulary for guidance in drawing up documents of various kinds. It was first published by Bignon in 1613. In Migne's edition, Patrologia Cursus, vol. xxxvii., it is accompanied with several anonymous compilations of the same character. In the 12th and 13th centuries we meet with works of the same kind under the title of de arte dictaminum. A very interesting collection of precedents of royal warrants, state letters, papal bulls, and other documents, arranged under inany heads of subjects, was compiled by the English poet Occleve, while he was a clerk in the council office at the beginning of the 15th century, and is now in the British Museum. We are best able to understand the nature of

early diplomas by examining the originals, still extant, | on papyrus or parchment, which go back in date to the 5th century. The oldest come chiefly from Ravenna. They have been commented on by Maffei in his Istoria diplomatica, 1727, and printed in full with facsimiles in the Papiri diplomatici of the Abbate Marino-Marini, 1805. A considerable number of the original diplomas of the Merovingian and succeeding sovereigns of France have also been preserved, and have been published in facsimile (Letronne, Diplomata et Charta), and in letterpress. England also can boast of a series of very beautifully written royal charters from the 7th century. The larger number of them are in the British Museum, and are in course of publication in facsimile (Facsimiles of Ancient Charters, parts i. ii. iii.). Many original papal bulls, too, of an early date, are still extant, in different repositories.

There is a general uniformity in the diplomas of the earlier times. Taking the French series as examples, we find a regularity of formulas in the following order:

Jesu Christi.

1. An invocation, as In nomine domini Dei Salvatoris nostri 2. The name and style of the sovereign, and the name and title of the person_addressed. In the 6th, 7th, and 8th centuries, the style of the French kings was in general N. Francorum rex, vir inluster; Pepin added Dei Gratia. From the time of Louis le Débonnaire the form was Divina ordinante (or propitiante, annuente, or favente) providentia (clementia, or misericordia). Popes called themselves simply bishop until the end of the 11th century, when, or only rarely before, they used the title Papa. Gregory the Great (590-604) introduced the form servus servorum Dei. They placed their name before or after that of the person addressed indifferently, before the 10th century, when the custom prevailed to give it precedence.

3. A preamble, consisting of a moral or religious reflexion, or a recital of the motives to the grant. In the earlier times the moral sentiment is expressed briefly, as Memor finis mei, or Panas inferni cupiens effugere; but later on it is often of great length and in inflated language, with admixture of barbarized Greek words.

act.

4. The substance of the act or donation.

5. A protecting clause, in the nature of an imprecation on such as should infringe the privilege granted, or thwart the object of the It is first met with in papal bulls of the 6th century, and appears in an exaggerated form in a later time, the bitterest curses being heaped on the hypothetical offender without measure. The papal type is closely followed in French and English diplomas. In the 12th century it took a milder form, as in papal bulls, Nulli ergo hominum liceat, &c. In the 10th and 11th centuries the commin

atory clause was often placed after the date, having sometimes been previously introduced into the text.

6. The Merovingian sovereigns authenticated their diplomas by the addition of their signature. Those who were unable to write signed with their monogram. The Carlovingians signed with a monogram, and the same form prevailed from the 9th century in Germany and Italy. It ceased to be used in France in the 14th century. The clergy adopted the use of the monogram in the 11th and 12th centuries. It is not found in the charters of English sovereigns. In the earlier times the monogram was formed of letters of tall cursive character; capitals and uncials were afterwards more commonly used. Sometimes the word rex was added. It is possible that the monogram was in some instances entered by the hand of the sovereign, for so much is indicated by the words in which it is introduced, but it was usually added by the chancellor or scribe. It was not used for some kinds of documents, as judgments, decrees, and mandates. In acts of the later Roman emperors, the form of subscription is simply the word Legi, with a cross prefixed, as in a diploma of Valentinian, printed by Marini, p. 94. The name of the referendary or chancellor, with the expression optulit, was in France, in the earliest time, inserted before, subsequently after, the subscription of the monarch. A paraph of the word subscripsi, and often tironian notes,-accompanied the subscriptions. Sometimes in royal diplomas, and commonly in private charters, the names of several witnesses were subscribed, each preceded by the word signum, with a cross, or followed by subscripsi. The popes, in their bulls, originally used the form of Bene valete, or Deus te incolumem servet, in place of subscription of their name, which they applied only to synodal and other public acts. At the beginning of the 9th century they used their monogram. In the 14th century they signed with their own hand. In the 9th century also began the practice of adding the subscriptions of cardinals, but it was not commonly followed until the middle of the 12th contury. Sentences from the Scriptures were used by popes for a

signature, instead of their names, in consistorial bulls in the 11th century. English kings, before the Conquest, neither signed their name nor used a monogram. They affixed the sign of the crossthe scribe adding Signum manus N. regis, or variations of the form.

7. Dating clause. In France, this followed the subscription and attestation. The manner of dating varied at different times, and in different countries. In diplomas of the emperors, the year is not expressed. For example, an act of Valentinian of about 480 A.D. has simply the words, Dat. sexto idus Januarii Ravennæ. + Legi. The Merovingian kings and their successors dated by their regnal years, adding the day of the month, the place, and generally the Débonnaire from Easter 781, the day of his coronation at Rome; word feliciter. Some dated from epochs in their reign, as Louis le from September 813, when he was associated in the imperial power; and from the 28th of January 814, the day of his accession after the death of Charlemagne.

The year of the incarnation was seldom used by the French kings before the end of the 9th century. In England it was generally added to royal charters in the times preceding the Conquest, but, subsequently to the death of William the Conqueror, was very rarely used in public or private deeds until the 13th century. The English charters of the early period often added also the regnal year and papal indiction. In papal bulls the date was given by the names of consuls from 385 to 546; by years of the Greek emperors from 550 to 772; by years of emperors of the west from 802 to 1047, and in 1111; and by years of the pontificate as early as the year 781, but often still by the year of the emperor, or by both together, eventually by the year of the pontificate alone. The year of the incarnation is found in bulls as early as the 7th century, and came into ordinary use in 968. Up to 1088, in the papal dominions, the year was calculated from the 25th of December; subsequently the Florentine and Pisan years were used, the former beginning three months after the nativity, the other nine months before it. The indiction was also added :-from 584 to 1087, that of Constantinople, beginning on the 1st of September; afterwards the Constantinian, or Cæsarean, beginning on the 25th of September, and the Papal, beginning on the 1st of January. These dates were accumulated principally in the bulls; in the briefs the year is rarely designated from 1086 to 1124, and is always wanting from 1124 to 1187. (See Jaffé, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum.)

An additional security was given to diplomas by the seal, the antiquity (going back to remotest ages), the form, colour, substance, and use of which are treated of at great length in works on diplomatics (see SEALS). It was in use by the popes from the earliest time, and under the Merovingian kings and their successors; but by the great feudatories only from the 10th century. In England it is not found during the Saxon period, saving in a few instances in the reign of Edward the Confessor. The use of it came in with the Conquest and became general. The popes' seals were of lead, or in rare instances of gold, and suspended to the document. The precious material was introduced by Charlemagne, and was freely employed by the emperors of Constantinople, who with their principal officers used metal seals. In France, under the Merovingians, and elsewhere at the same period, the seal was of white wax, fixed “en placard,” or to the surface of the document. From the 10th century, it was suspended, first by a parchment label, afterwards by cords of silk or other substances. The colour of the cords by which papal bulla were attached varies under different pontiffs. White wax, but of various qualities, was in use to the 13th century, in which and subsequently it was coloured chiefly yellow, red, or green. The quality of the wax, the shape, the legend or inscription, the character of the charge or device-which was sometimes the impression of an antique gem-all these change with the progress of time and become evidence of age.

English charters of the Saxon period have forms in many respects different from those of foreign diplomas. Variations have been already noticed, as, that the king signed neither with his name nor with his monogram, but only with a cross, and that they were dated from the incarnation. It would appear, indeed, that the charters were not drawn up by an officer of the chancery, as in France, but were composed and written by ecclesiastics, whose services were employed for the occasion. In the grant of the monastery of Reculver to Christ Church, Canterbury, by King Eadred, in the year 949, to which Dunstan, then abbot of Glastonbury, and one of the king's principal ministers is a witness, he states that he both drew up the form and wrote the document with his own hand. It is on this account that we find in English charters before the Conquest a variety of styles of writing, even in those of the same date; whereas on the Continent the writing is uniform in the several states. In the absence of a strictly official character, the grant was attested by numerous witnesses, varying from four or five, the more ordinary number in the earlier times, to from 30 to 100 subsequently. For it was always an object with the religious houses in whose favour a grant was made to fortify its authority and secure its recognition by impressive solemnities. They made the benefaction a religious act by inviting the grantor to offer the charter to God on the altar of their church; and they obtained the approval and attestations of the members of the court, or of the council over which the king might be at the time presiding. The names which are subscribed to the English charters add greatly to their historical value. A difference in another respect from the foreign type is attended with advantage to the study of both the language and manners of the time. The property conveyed was defined by a minute description of its boundaries, written in English; and, as the documents are dated and can generally be referred to special localities, dialectic differences and the formation of names, with other incidental lights on subjects of antiquity, are preserved. In English charters of as early a date as the 9th century, and from that time onwards, is sometimes found, at the top or the bottom, the upper or lower half of an inscription. It is often the word chirographum, but some times other words, or merely letters. It was used when it was an object that two parties to a contract should each have a copy of the deed, which accordingly was written in duplicate on one skin; the inscription was written in large letters between the copies, and the skin was then divided. The line of division was at a later period generally indented, and the document was called an indenture. The custom was not introduced into France until the middle of the 11th century.

The practise of forging and falsifying diplomas, ecclesiastical constitutions, and documents of all kinds is traced back to very early times. The laws of the Visigoths of the 7th century enact severe punishments on offenders of this class, as do the Capitularia of Charlemagne. The English chronicler Hoveden, under the year 1196, gives an account of wholesale forgeries of papal bulls and briefs by an agent of the archbishop of York. A decretal of Innocent III. (1195-1216) gives rules for detecting fabricated bulls (Epist. i. 201, ed. Baluz.). It was so easy to impose upon the ignorance of people, and the temptations to falsify were so great, that we cannot doubt it was done extensively. The science of diplomatics professes to give the power to detect these forgeries. The two concluding books of the Nouveau Traité de Diplomatique treat of the subject at great length, but the rules given for distinguishing the true from the false document can only be applied by one who is practically versed in the study. In passing judgment on a professed original,

not only the formulas, historical facts, and date have to be tested, but the external features have to be regarded-the material, the ink, the forms of abbreviation and character of writing, and the seal; and the properties and characteristics of these cannot well be learnt from written instruction. They are treated of in works on the general subject of palæography.

In testing the authenticity of diplomas, assistance will be found, in addition to authors already quoted, in the following works:-Germon (Barthélemi), De veteribus regum Francorum diplomatibus, Paris 1703-1707, 3 vols. 12mo; Muratori, De diplo Raguet, Hist. des contestations sur la diplomatique, 12mo, 1708, matis et chartis antiquis; Antiquit. Ital. medii avi, tom. iii.; and 8vo, 1767; Hickes, De antiquae litteraturæ septentrionalis utilitate dissertatio epistolaris, fol. Oxon. 1703; Marino-Marini, Diplomatica pontificia, 4to, 1841; Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus ævi raisonné de Diplomatique Chrétienne, in Migne's Encyclopédie Anglosaxonici, 6 vols. 8vo, 1839-1848; Quantin, Dictionnaire Théologique, 1846; Archives de l'Empire, Monuments Historiques, Cartons des Rois, ed. J. Tardif, Paris, 4to 1866; Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1839-1875; Gloria, Compendio di Paleo(E. A. B.) grafia e Diplomatica, 8vo., 1870.

DIPPEL, JOHANN CONRAD (1673-1734), a German theologian and alchemist, who assumed as an author the name" Christianus Democritus,” was born at the castle of Frankenstein, near Darmstadt, his father being a Lutheran clergyman. He studied at Giessen, where he took the degree of master in philosophy in 1693. After a short visit to Wittenberg he went to Strasburg, where ho delivered lectures on astrology and chiromancy, and occasionally preached. He gained considerable popularity, but was obliged after a time to quit the city, owing to his irregular manner of living, and the suspicion attaching to him of having been concerned in a murder. He had up to this time espoused the cause of the orthodox as against the pietists, and had justified his gay and worldly habits on the ground that he intended to make a practical protest against pietism; but in his two first published works, Orthodoxia Orthodoxorum (1697) and Papismus vapulans Protestantium (1698), he assailed vehemently the fundamental positions of the Lutheran theology, denying the inspiration of Scripture, the efficacy of the sacraments, and the doctrine of justification by faith. He held that religion consisted not in dogma but exclusively in love and selfsacrifice. To avoid persecution he was compelled to wander from place to place, and he resided successively in various towns of Germany, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden. He took the degree of doctor of medicine at Leyden in 1711. From 1698 he devoted himself to experiments in alchemy, which wasted a considerable fortune, and he was frequently imprisoned for debt. He made several valuable discoveries in chemistry, one being Prussian blue, and another an oil, still known as Dippel's animal oil, which he offered as a panacea, and which has useful medicinal properties of a more limited kind Provoked by false reports of his death, he published in 1733 an intimation that he would live until 1808. In spite of this, however, he died at Berleburg on the 25th April 1734.

An enlarged edition of Dippel's collected works was published at Berleburg in 1743. See a somewhat too eulogistic biography by Ackermann (Leipsic, 1781), and a memoir by Büchner in the Historisches Taschenbuch for 1858.

DIPSOMANIA. See MENTAL DISEASES.

DIPTERA (Aristotle, from 8, double, and repa, wings), an Order of the Insecta, containing the "flies," properly so called, with which, also, in spite of not possessing its chief characteristic, the sub-order Aphaniptera (fleas), a part of the obsolete Aptera, is now incorporated, The Diptera proper (with the exception of the apterous Nycteribiido, and a few aberrant species of other families, to which the majority of the characters given will not strictly apply, but which cannot, from their general structure, meta

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