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I have read with great atten- habits of their forefathers having tion, and with not less pleasure, still some little influence on them. In what a degree they have been injured and debased by this system

your excellent speech upon this occasion, which, however, was no more than what every one ex- of taxing and funding, we well pected from you. I shall not here know by this one short sentenceenter into a discussion of what of Mr. ELLMAN, in his evidence has so often been discussed, given before the Agriculturalnamely, the justice and necessity Committee of 1821; "When I of Reform upon the grounds of "began business as a farmer, right; but shall merely point out, "forty-five years ago, there was though I have so frequently done" not a labouring man in the pait before, the necessity of it in" rish who did not brew his own order to prevent the total subver-"beer, and enjoy it by his own sion of all property. "fire-side. Now, there is not one

have been pulled down; for, of all the things that can be thought of, nothing can be so true a standard.

There can be no doubt, in the fact alone is sufficient to show us mind of any man who has read the degree, in which the people my Ten Letters to Landlords and my Letters (of a previous date) to Mr. Hayes and Mr. Attwood, that the labouring classes were pulled as this. down, that they were degraded, beggared, páuperized, and ren

Now, Sir, from this same evidered mean and dastardly spi-dence of this very intelligent and rited, by the co-operation of the respectable farmer (a great Tory, systems of taxing and of paper- as they call it, too) let us see the money; and that whatever they cause of this. retained of spirit and of moral

rectitude they owed entirely to the

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The price of wheat I take (be-loss of character amongst them;

fore 1791) from the returns laid before the House of Commons; and (after 1791 inclusive) from Mr. George's evidence, given before the Committee.

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The poor-rates,

per

ciency in the shape of poor rates. increase of misery and of crimes? Oh, no! For, suppose the parish Oh, no! the deficienty of wages to contain a hundred labourers, has not been made up" out of allowing two labouring women, or the poor-rates. boys, to go for a man; suppose as they are called, have been all the work to have been done verted from their intention and by the day; suppose there to have been made the means of ́ ́have been no harvest-work; no- keeping down the wages; and of thing but the bare daily work all giving, to the labourer the smallest the year round: suppose all this, possible portion of sustenance. here, you see, Sir, the men lost, during the 30 (or 29) years, 15. 138. a-year each; which amounts to 15657. a-year; while

the poor-rates, even at the end of

the pillaging period, amounted to ́ ́only 3041. more than at the begin

ning of it! Thus the labourers of

this parish were, even giving, in

the calculation, all these advan

tages to their oppressors, robbed

of 12617. a-year. And, if we were to reckon the wages of harvest and hay-time, and were to notice the average increase of the poor-rates, we shall find, that these 100 la

bourers were robbed, during the

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But, and this brings me to the subject more immediately before us; where has been the cause of all this? The cause, and the only real cause of the whole, is to be found in the want of a House of Commons chosen by the people at large. A House of Commons, so chosen, never could have suffered the millions to be oppressed in this cruel manner. The more immediate causes, that is to say, the machinery of the system, have all been the natural consequences of this one great and all-pervad ing cause. Long and expensive wars; loans and debts; enormous

29 years, of, at least, 2000, a-taxation; paper - money; the

year!

drawing of wealth into large

Are we to wonder, then, at the heaps: all these have proceeded

from a want of the people being | been appointed by such a House duly represented; for, it is not to of Commons, have made a Rebe believed, that if the people had port, in which this most important had the choosing of the members, evidence was not even alluded those members would have per- to; but, in which, on the con-mitted the people to be sacrificed trary, was to be found not a single in the manner so clearly shown passage calculated to lead to any in the foregoing paragraphs. beneficial result, or to convey any

If a House of Commons, cho-one useful truth to the minds of

those to whom it was submitted? Instead of being enlightened

sen by the people at large, had entered, through error, on such a cruel system, would they have per-by this evidence; instead of seesevered in it? Could they have ing (that which was now demonbeen permitted to persevere in it?strated by figures), that the evils Has any experience, have any of the country were ascribable proofs, produced the smallest dis- solely to taxation and paperposition in the present House to money, the House acted as if these change this fatal, this horrible, had had nothing at all to do with system? We will suppose, for the matter; for a return of prosCargument's sake, that the error perity to landlords and farmers was not to be seen until 1821, they relied on the visionary hopes would not a House of Commons, of the "powers of capital;" chosen by the people, have begun while the increase of the poorto think rightly, and to act rightly, when they had before them evidence like that, which I have cited above, and which was contained enness, and profligacy," of the in the Appendix to a Report of labourers, and actually listened

rates, that "heavy charge upon the land," as they called it, they ascribed to the idleness, drunk

one of their own Committees ? to a project from Lawyer Scarlett

Would that Committee, if it had to put an end to these by refusing

all relief to persons, or children cessity of an army costing ten of persons, who should marry millions a-year? Was it not clear after a certain day! Not the how the people had been desmallest attention did they pay to spoiled by the system? Was it not the evidence of Mr. Ellman, clear, that confusion must come, which ought to have been the very or the system be wholly changed? basis of all their proceedings on the subject. Could this have been, Sir? Could we have witnessed this, if that House had been chosen by the people at large?

Hitherto, Sir, I have viewed

the system as the robber of the labouring classes. It has now, in consequence of the Cash-measures, reached the landlords, farm

goes to the farmer for rent. There

I am not talking here of com-ers and others. The manner in passionate feelings towards the which it has reached these classes labouring classes. I am not ex- is now pretty well understood. pecting in every man that sort of But, the "working of events" and enthusiasm in the cause of the la- the final consequences have yet bourer, which has ever been a to be witnessed. The landlord habit of my mind, arising from the great delight I have always is none for him, unless the farmer taken in all the acts and scenes of (cash-payments continuing) can rural labour. I am speaking of do one of two things; namely, what dry policy, what the mere cause the sixty millions of taxes safety of the country, pointed to be reduced to about twenty: out. And, was it not evident, that or, withhold wages almost altoge that safety demanded resolute ther from the labourer. As to the and immediate measures of change taxes, the farmer has no power at of system? Was it not clear, that all; but, with regard to wages, he this misery of the millions was, at will try his hand. Hence will

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bottom, the sole cause of the ne- come, unless there be what Re

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