of the House of Commons, at least the people, “That if petitioners a majority of them, are so lost to came to treat the House with all decency shame, that they contempt, they would make each would, at the very least, obstruct of them feel that there was power the conduct of public affairs, if they enough in the executive Governwere not kept to their duty, by the ment to treat them as they deacceptance or expectation of ho-"served." (Hear, hear.) Now I nours and emoluments? (Hear, hear.)

ask, would any man have presumed to hold this language in a House of Commons r really chosen by the people? Would such an assembly have borne that the Ministers of the Crown should talk to them of the executive Government punishing each, and even one of the people, for using words which they might choose to consider as contemptuous? (Hear.)

There was a time, it appears, when taxation was considered with unusual horror and dread, for no evils, says the old adage, are certain, in this transitory life, but taxation and death. But, Gentlemen, how differently are we now taught to look at what once we thought a curse? One gravely says, that " to "remit taxation would only aggra "vate distress;" another, that "the proposal to take off taxes is "worse than unavailing, that it is lice."

Gentlemen, I have not intended to exaggerate, and I am conscious I have set down nothing in ma

chine,

hear.

No one but must

delusive, since it goes to contro- Who's in or out, who guides the State ma vert the great order of nature;" while a third proclaims that taxaNor moves my curiosity or spleen,” tion ought to be considered as one provided I feel that my country is of the dispensations of Providence.free, safe, and contented. (Hear, To a people taxed as we are this is going pretty far in the way of in- Scarcely one who hears me but sult and nonsense; however, urge must feel himself insulted, when he what we may, under the present is told that the Constitution under system, there is no escape from this which he at present lives is the new providential interference: if" envy and admiration of surroundwe grumble, they call it "an igno- ing nations." rant impatience;" if we lie down have a certain misgiving, that in in silence and despair, they avow the novel doctrine to which I have that we are contented.--(A laugh.) alluded, lurks not some bold and There was a time, Gentlemen, bad design to preserve the forms of when a standing army was an ob- freedom, and to rule for the future ject of jealousy, and not, as now, without responsibility and without considered essential to the preser- control. No one but must sensibly vation of our liberties. There was feel, that it is not that admirable a time, when knowledge was re-plan of civil polity, under which garded as the source of power, our ancestors intended we should bringing strength and wealth, and live. virtue and order, in its train; it No, no, Gentlemen, the dominawas reserved for these days to re- tion under which we are gard it as a power of evil, not of has nothing to do with the genuine e sinking good as a nuisance-a counter-principles of the British Constituacting principle to Government- tion. It was created by fraud, to be combatted and crushed by perjury, bribery, and corruption. means of venality and corruption. It was the child of the Septennial (Hear.) It was reserved for these Bill-it was nursed by Walpole-it days to hear the 'Ministers of the attained to giant strength under Crown declare, with impunity, to the Pelhams. It has increased, is

increasing, and if it be not dimi- it is expected by his subjects that nished by the means we seek, must certain conditions shall be perrender the power of the Oligarchy formed and respected. Secondly, paramount in that assembly, to in-a House of Lords, a patrician body terpose in the privileges of which, a deliberative, and as it were, by interfering in their elections, is balancing power between the Crown still considered By law a heinous and the people, to protect the crime against the rights and liber- crown against the people, should ties of the Commons of England. faction ever prevail to protect Gentlemen, how those evits upon the people against the crown, should which I have thus slightly touched, timidity or subserviency ever sway past, present, and in prospect, are the votes of their elected Repreto be removed, save through the sentatives. An Aristocracy, splenmedium of a Parliamentary Re- did but useful, contented, however, form, I must own I cannot divine. without interfering with the rights Ministers and their majorities, of the people, with its own large swayed by reasons I leave you to and peculiar privileges, not clainiguess, appear to have set their face ing as a right what was, and is still against all financial arrangements, considered a crime. Thirdly, a and all future retrenchment. We House of Commons chosen accordcannot at present remove Ministers ing to the principles laid down by or reform their majorities; the pre- Sir E. Coke, which I quoted in my -sont system, therefore, unless this Address-a House of Commons great change can be effected, must feelingly sympathizing with the go on, and in that case what has people in the enactment of every one great portion of the commu-law, the grant of every supply, the nity to look for but the approach of intolerable distress? What has the whole empire to dread less than all the hazards and horrors of some national convulsion?

removal of every grievance, and the correction of every abuse.(Hear, hear.) Men who would at all times prefer the interest of their country to their own views, or those If I am asked, Gentlemen, what [of their patron; who could not be description of Members I seek and persuaded that immoderate taxaexpect from Parliamentary Reform, tion was a dispensation of ProviI answer, such as would acknow-dence, who would neither obey the ledge, and ever act upon, the great call, or crouch under the menace principles established at the great of a Minister; who would consider arrangement to which I have so that "the King of England cannot often alluded; who would consider have so perfect, so honourable a our Government to be composed security for every thing that of three estates, one checking the" makes a King truly great and other:—First, a King clothed with truly happy, as in the genuine, all the splendour requisite to give "free, and natural support of an dignity to his exalted situation," uninfluenced and independent and armed with every prerogative" House of Commons." (Hear. necessary to conduct the affairs of hear.) the country with energy and promp- Gentlemen, on quitting this part titude; but still strictly limited by of the subject, allow me to caution the law;-a King with whom, when you in the manly and glowing lanhe mounts the throne, the most sa-guage of the noble author of The cred of all compacts is made to patriot King!' whom, with his sceptre, the most "If liberty be the delicious and important of all trusts is confided" wholesome fruit upon which you -and by whom, when they sur- are anxious to feed, the British render themselves to his keeping, "Constitution is the tree which

66

together it isced me to decide Market; and the prices of Bacon,

for whether you consider me justified in the step I have taken.-(Hear, hear.)-As far as regards my own feelings, I am confident I shall never regret it, for I have done what I conceived to be my duty. In these dark and perilous moments,

Butter and Cheese, in the City. I have been induced to do this, first, to comply with the request of several of my Readers in the country; and, second, that we may have on record facts now

become of so much importance NEWGATE (dead.)

in a political point of view; facts, indeed, upon which all the principal measures of the Parliament, when it shall again assemble, must unavoidably turn.

CORN IN ENGLAND. AVERAGE PRICES OF CORN, For the Week ended August 31, being the THIRD of the SIX succeeding August 15.

BACON, BUTTER AND CHEESE.

Per Hundred Weight.

BACON 30s. to 32s. for the best, small sized.-25s. to 28s. for middling and heavy.

BUTTER-first Waterford 74s, to 75s.-Carlow, 80s.-Dorset, 42s. to 44s. per tirkin of 56lbs.

CHEESE Cheshire, 60s. to 74s.-Old Derby, 52s. New Derby (pale) 42s. to 44s.; (colour44s, to 488. New Double Gloucester, 46s. to 48s.; Single d(the best) 44s. to 46s.; Middling, 35s. to 40s.

MEAT IN THE COUNTRY.

Bristol, Sept. 5.- Beef from 3d. to 4d; Mutton 3d. to 3d.; and Pork 3d to 3d. per lb. sinking offal.Malton, Sept. 7.-Meat in the shambles:-Beef 33d. to 4d.; Mutton 3d. to 4d.; Lamb 3d. to 4d.; and Veal 5d. to 6d. per lb. Fresh Butter 9d. to 11d. per lb.; Salt ditto, 378. per firkin.

VOL. 43.—No. 12.] LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPT. 21, 1822. [Price 6d. Published every Saturday Morning, at Six o' Clock.

clearly the state in which the

ΤΟ

SIR THOMAS BARING.

On the Resolution, relative to La

thing is; that I see, that, unless rents can be got out of deductions from labour, there can be no rents; that I see, that, if there be no

bourers' Wages, issued by him, by two Squires," and by five rents, there cannot long be any

66

tithes; and that I see, that both of these must go, and that the fundholders' interests must go, unless, which I know to be impossible, the means of paying rent and tithes can be made to come out of deductions from the wages of labour.

This publication of yours is cer

and by five parsons, at Winches-tainly something perfectly new. ter, and dated on the 31st of last I am not aware of any law that month. Before I proceed to re-calls upon magistrates to put forth mark upon this document, which such publications. I am not aware will certainly become a very re- of any law that authorizes magismarkable and memorable thing, I trates, in this their public capawill insert it that the public may city and sitting upon their bench, see what it is; but, before I do to put forth even recommendations that, let me observe, that I see relative to the wages which la

Ꮓ

Printed and published by C. CLEment, No. 183, Fleet-street.