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the circumstance of our being still in possession of the passport was overlooked; but, even if it had occurred, some doubt would probably have arisen, how far it might be proper, in so different a state of things, to make use of it for lord Lauderdale, without some previous communication of such an intention. This whole matter is, however, very immaterial. The principal point to which I feel it necessary to advert, is that part of M. Talleyrand's language which imputes to this country needless delays in the negotiation, and attributes to that cause the unjustifiable measures pursued by France in Germany and elsewhere.

In the instructions given to lord Lauderdale, the repeated tergiversations of France, during the negotiation, are detailed. It is from thence alone, that delay has arisen.

Your lordship truly states, that the offers made through yourself were so clearly and unequivocally expressed, that the intention of the French government could not be doubted. But they were no sooner made than departed from. In the first conference after your lordship's return to France, Sicily was demanded. In the former offers it had been distinctly disclaimed, "* Vous l'avez-nous ne vous la demandons pas. Si nous la possédions elle pourroit augmenter de beaucoup les difficultés." This demand, there fore, could not have been foreseen, being in contradiction to their own assurances; and your lordship could only take it ad referendum. This produced a delay attributable solely to France. Our answer was imme. diate and distinct. The new demaud was declared to be a breach

of the principle of the proposed basis in its most essential part. To obviate a cavil on the subject of full powers, they were sent to you; but with an express injunction not to use them, nor even to produce them formally, till the French government should return to its former ground respecting Sicily. Your lordship stated this to M. Talleyrand, and you received in return, a proposal, of giving to his majesty, or to the king of Naples, the Hans towns in lieu of Sicily. This being again a proposition entirely new, could only be referred for his majesty's consideration. On the very next day after it arrived, it was de cidedly rejected here; and, so little were we disposed to delay, that the same dispatch conveyed to you his majesty's orders, if the demand of Sicily should still be persisted in, to desire your passports, and return to England.

Of this order your lordship informed M. Talleyrand, and its execution was delayed only by a fresh proposal of exchanges brought forward by France, and supported by the Russian minister, as affording the means by which his majesty might prevent, among other things, the changes meditated in Germany. M. Talleyrand, it appears, now represents this communication in the following terms: "We told you, that if you had powers, and would enter into negotiation, we would not sign the arrangement in Germany.” M. Talley rand's real communication is to be found in your lordship's dispatch of the 9th July, in which he says, that those changes "were determined upon, but should not be published if lished if peace took place." 3B 4


* You are in possession of it. We do not demand it of you. If we possessed it, the difficulties might be much increased,

That dispatch was received here on the 12th; and on the 17th, in direct violation of these assurances, in which ever form they were conveyed, the German treaties were both signed and published.

They must of course have been prepared at least one day before. What M. Talleyrand therefore calls a reasonable time allowed to your lordship to consult your government, was, at the most, twenty-four hours, even supposing the utmost possible expedition to be made by the messengers to and from England, and no accident or delay to occur by land or sea. These dates will undoubtedly not have escaped your lordship's attention, and will have enabled you to refute, in the most decisive manner, the unfounded pretences by which the French government seeks to attribute to delays on our part, the results of its own injustice, and repeated breach of promise.

The whole of our intercourse with France, bears indeed so different a character from that of delay, and the whole of the king's conduct in this, as in every other instance, is marked by so many striking proofs, of his desire to avert, even by the greatest sacrifices, such calamities as he is now accused of producing, that your lordship may, perhaps, have felt it less necessary to enter into a particular refutation of such a charge.

But after the experience which, in this negotiation, we have had of the conduct of the French government, it is of the highest consequence not to suffer such imputations to pass unnoticed, and, by disregard, to acquire strength and currency.

Of the subsequent proceedings, no explanation can be necessary.

It had not been decided here,

that in the event of the signature of the Russian treaty, the negotiation on the part of this country should be pursued on any other basis but that of the strict uti possidetis, with the exception of Hanover.The resolution of admitting even the possibility of equivalent for Sicily, had been adopted only in consequence of M. d'Oubril's desire, and in order to maintain, if it had been possible, the union of council and measures between Great Britain and Russia.

But by the production of your lordship's full powers, his majesty was in some sort pledged to continue the negotiation. It was then judged proper, that a fresh negotiator should be added to your lordship, and not an instant has been lost in giving effect to that determination; nor has any considerable delay oecurred on this side the water, except in the single point respecting the passport, which I have explained in the outset of this dispatch, I am, &c.

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put on shore on Sunday morning the 3d, about eleven o'clock. At Calais I received every mark of attention and civility from the magistrates and the commanders of the army, and of the marine, as well as from the inhabitants of the place, who were in crowds on the shore, expressing their wishes for peace.

I have now to inform you, that on Tuesday I got to Paris about twelve o'clock, when I immediately sent the enclosed note, (marked A.) to his excellency the minister for foreign affairs, from whom I soon afterwards received the answer, (marked B.) which I also enclose. At the hour appointed, I waited upon his excellency, with whom I had a short conversation, in which his anxiety for your speedy recovery formed the principal topic. He informed me that general Clarke was the person named by the emperor to negotiate with lord Yarmouth and myself, and appointed this day, at eleven o'clock, for the formal exhibition of our powers.

As the frequency of communication gives rise to false speculations in England, it is not my intention to send a messenger, until I shall have something more important to communicate.

I am, &c.


Inclosures (A) and (B) are copies of notes from the earl of Lauderdale to M. Talleyrand, dated August 5, 1806, and from M. Talleyrand to the earl of Lauderdale, dated August 5, 1806.

No. XXXII. Copy of a dispatch from the earl of Lauderdale to Mr. secretary Fox, dated Paris, Au.

gust 7, 1806, received August 13, (of no importance.)


Copy of a Dispatch from the Earl of Yarmouth to Mr. Secretary Fox, dated Paris, August 7, 1806.Received August 13.


Paris, August 7, 1806.

I received in due time, and in their order, your several dispatches of the 28th ult. and the 2d and As no 3d inst. messenger has been dispatched from hence since the receipt of them, I have been obliged to defer till now replying to their contents.

It was with great satisfaction that I learnt by your dispatch of the 2d inst. the intelligence of lord Lauderdale's departure from England; as, independently of the advantages I must derive from communicating with a person charged with the latest and fullest instructions from his majesty, his arrival here afforded me the opportunity of evincing, in the clearest manner, that I had in no instance thought myself at liberty to depart from the basis, originally laid down as the only one on which his majesty's ministers could consent to treat with the French government.

It must be evident, that whatever delays have occurred in the negotiation, are imputable to France, and to the perpetual variation of the terms proposed by her; and I had not failed, before the receipt of your dispatch of the 3d instant, repeatedly to do justice to the conduct of his majesty's government in that res. pect. As in the line of conduct which I thought it my duty to observe pre



vious to the earl of Lauderdale's ar. rival, I had no other object in view, than the fulfilling, to the best of my abilities, the mission with which his majesty has been graciously pleased to charge me, I can, under the present circumstances, have no other ambition than that of co-operating with my best endeavours in the negotiation entrusted to us jointly, upon the same basis on which I had originally placed it.

I have the honour to be, &c.

No. XXXIV. Full Powers given to the Earls of Lauderdale and Yarmouth, which were communicated to M. Talleyrand on the 6th of August, 1806.


George the Third, by the grace of God, of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, duke of Brunswiek and Lunenburgh. Arch-treasurer, and prince elector of the holy Roman empire, &c. To all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting!

The flames of war having already raged too long in the different quarters of the world, it is the more incumbent upon us to re-establish the public tranquillity, by putting an end to so many quarrels and controversies, we have therefore judged it expedient to invest certain fit persons with full powers, on our part, for the better carrying on this great undertaking.

Know, therefore, that we, reposing especial trust in the fidelity, diligence, judgment, perspicuity, and experience of our right trusty and well-beloved James, earl of Lauder. dale, and of our trusty and well-be loved Francis Seymour, Esquire,

commonly called earl of Yarmouth, have nominated, constituted, and appointed them, as by these presents we do nominate, constitute, and appoint them, our true, certain, and undoubted procurators, commission. ers, and plenipotentiaries: giving to them, conjointly or separately, all and all manner of power, faculty, and authority, together with general as well as special orders, (so that the general do not derogate from the special, nor on the contrary,) for us, and in our name, to meet and confer with the ministers, commis. sioners, plenipotentiaries of any other princes or states whatsoever, who may be interested therein, whe ther our enemies or our allies, furnished with sufficient powers for that purpose, as well singly and separately, as aggregately and conjointly, and to consult and agree with them for the speedy restoration of a sincere friendship and amity, and of a tirm and lasting peace; and for us, and in our name, to sign all such matters and things as shall be agreed upon and concluded on the premises, and to form such treaty or treaties, or any other instru ments as shall be necessary, and mutually to deliver and receive the same in exchange, and to do and perform all such acts, matters, and things, as may be in any way proper and conducive to the purposes abore mentioned, in as full and ample a manner and form, and with the like validity and effect, as we ourself, if we were present, could do and perform; engaging and promising, on our royal word, that we will accept, ratify, and confirm, in the most ef fectual manner, all such acts, matters, and things, as shall be so transacted andconcluded by our said plenipotentiaries, conjointly or sepa


rately, and that we will never suffer any person to violate the same, in whole, or in part, or to act contrary thereto.

In testimony and confirmation of all which we have caused our great seal, of our united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to be affixed to these presents, signed with our royal hand.

Given at our court at St. James's, this first day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six, and of our reign the forty-sixth.


Copy of a Dispatch from the Earls of Lauderdale and Yarmouth, to Mr. Secretary Fox, dated Paris, August 9, 1806.-Received August

13. SIR,

Paris, August 9th, 1806. Thinking it unnecessary to send a courier to England with the details of the mere matters of form which necessarily took place after ford Lauderdale's arrival, we have delayed writing till there appeared something of importance to communicate to you.

We have now to inform you, that lord Lauderdale, having exhibited his powers, and delivered a copy in the customary form, our first meeting with general Clarke, the plenipotentiary of the French government, took place at his house, on Thursday 7th August at


Our conversation commenced by general Clarke's observing that as lord Lauderdale had just arrived from London, with full instructions from his majesty, he had probably something new to communicate.

Lord Lauderdale in substance re

plied, that it was his wish before intermeddling with the negociation now pending, distinctly to recal to the recollection of general Clarke what had already passed between his majesty and the government of France, and at once precisely to state the only footing on which his majesty could consent to treat. To effect this object, he informed general Clarke, that he had prepared a note (marked A.) which he begged to deliver to him as official.

General Clarke read the note twice with great attention, and afterwards placed it in his portfolio, saying that he must take it ad referendum.

Very little passed at this meeting sufficiently interesting to merit being detailed; the general objected to the practice he apprehended lord Lauderdale meant to introduce of conducting the negotiation by writing; and said he was afraid the emperor would regard it as a means of endless delay, if a note was to be delivered upon every insignifi cant question which it might be necessary to discuss. The reply consisted merely in stating the distinction betwixt delivering a written note for the purpose of at once bringing to a point the basis on which the negotiation was to be conducted, and resorting on every trivial occasion to that practice. The first, it was contended, must accelerate; the latter, it was admitted, would delay the negotiation; and it would be therefore carefully avoided, as it was his majesty's wish that no delay should take place.

General Clarke, with something like an insinuation that an unfair advantage was taken by the government of Great Britain, announced


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